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Ni asubuhi na mapema, anga likiwa na makunyanzi,huku magimbi yakitanza kwa ukelele na rangi ya kahawia inalitanda anga,

 Nyuso za magwiji wa falsafa za mlengo wa kati na hekima ya utawala wa nera zimeshamiri tabasamu mwanana kabisa,

 Ndio ni tarehe ileile ya 05/02/1977 siku tukufu kwa wahafidhina wa CCM, nasema ni tukufu kwakuwa wazalendo wa leo hawaamini kuwa ungano lile la saa nne mchana wa 05/02/1977 leo ndilo hili walionalo leo!

 Chama cha TANU kikiwa na nguvu thabiti na kikiwa ni miongoni mwa vyama vyenye nguvu barani Afrika, kiliamua kwa kauli moja kuungana na Chama cha Kizalendo/cha weusi ambacho ni kikongwe zaidi barani Afrika cha ASP,

 Hilo lilitimia baada ya Muungano wa nchi mbili huru yani Tanganyika iliyopata Uhuru chini ya Shujaa wake Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere na Zanzibar iliyopata uhuru wake kupitia MAPINDUZI matukufu chini ya Shujaa wake John Okello (Fiel Marshal) lakini kipindi cha muungano Zanzibar ilikuwa chini ya Sheikhe Karume mkubwa,

 Ni zama ambazo bara la Afrika lilishuhudia chama cha siasa imara kikizaliwa katika ukanda wa kusini mwa jangwa la Sahara katika ardhi ya Tanzania mpya, chama kilichokuwa na nguvu ya kiushawishi, nguvu ya kiuchumi, na nguvu ya kijasusi!

 Chama ambacho kwa msaada wacho kiliyaweka huru mataifa yote ya kusini mwa Afrika, hakuna nchi ya kusini mwa Afrika ambayo haikupita mikono mwacho, laa isingepata uhuru kwa wakati!

 Si chama kingine bali ni mvumo wa alama ya kijani na njano, tokezo sahihi la Chama Cha Mapinduzi!

 Kwa uimara wake, Tanzania palikuwa mahali pa sauti kuu ya mwafrika, Tanzania ilikuwa na SAUTI mbele ya UNO juu ya mambo mengi hasa UHURU kamili wa Mwafrika,

 Kuingia kwa mfumo wa vyama vingi vya siasa hasa baada ya kupigwa mweleka kwa Azimio la Arusha mwaka 1992 na kuzaliwa Azimio la Zanzibar, kulileta mageuzi mapya ya chama hii,

 Sura na hadhi ya chama ilizidi kutia nyongo miongoni mwa wahafidhina hasa baada ya mabaka uchumi kujitwalia sauti na nguvu ya chama,

 Lakini magwiji wa siasa zile walipotangulia tu mbele ya haki, mizani ya chama hii imekuwa ikipinda siku hadi siku,

 Uchaguzi wa 2010 ulikuwa ni taswira halisi ya chama kubakwa, na wabakaji walidhamiria hasaaa na wamefanikiwa, mabaka uchumi yaliamua kuchota pesa hazina ya serikali (ya wanachi) na kutumbukiza katika uchaguzi huo yakipanda mtu wao wakulinda maslahi yao,

 Hakika yalifanikiwa, pesa ilichotwa kupitia mlango uitwao EPA, na yakamuweka mnadhiri wao Ikulu, na hakika maslahi yao yanalindwa kama yalivyo maagano yao!

 Hilo liliendelea kuwa angamizo kwa chama adhimu cha CCM, kwa mpasuko ndani yake uliendelea kuongezeka huku chama kikiacha majukumu yake stahiki na kugeuka KAMPUNI la biashara,

 Bahati mbaya iliyoje kwa ccm, kwani licha ya kugeuzwa mgodi wa wajanja, bado kiliendelea kukubwa na dhahama ya karne hasa kwa chama kugeuka kuwa NGOs ya familia ya Mwenye Jamuhuri, Baba kashika Jumuiya ya Wazazi, Mama kashika Umoja wa Wanawake, na Mtoto kashika Umoja wa Vijana,

 Hakika hapa wahafidhina ndipo walipokamatwa, hakuna pakufurukuta kata kugeuza ukope tu, ukitibuana na The Princess ujue umetibuana na Mwenye Jamuhuri, na ukitibuana na Bimkubwa ujue hulambi unga hata cheme ya haradali,

 Mungu wangu!, huenda ndio kifo kiliita ccm yangu,

 Kibaya zaidi mwenye kiti wa chama aliamua kupanga safu yake ya Uongozi baada ya Uchaguzi wa 2010 kwa kumpiga chini Yusufu Makamba na kuleta sura azitakazo ambazo kimsingi zingemsikiliza matakwa yake, naaam aliingia bingwa wa falsafa za kale za Kingwanamalundi, huyu kwa asili ni mtaalamu wa njama za siri na ni jasusi muhitimu mikononi mwa Julius Nyerere kama aliyo Yusufu Makamba, tofauti yao ni moja tu, Mkama ni mtaalamu wa mikakati ya siri aliyefuzu mafunzo ya kijasusi ipasavyo, Yusufu Makamba ni mtaalamu wa ujasusi wa kipropaganda aliyebobea na kuiva ipasavyo kutoka Mosco,

 Katika siasa za leo huku chama kikizidi kutoweka mioni mwa Watanzania, Chama kilihitaji mtaalamu wa propaganda aliyebobea ipasavyo, na kilihitaji mtaalamu wa njama za siri mwenye kutembea katika lengo mahususi,

 Lakini kumtoa Makamba na kumuweka Mkama lilikuwa kosa la karne, kwakuwa chama kilikuwa kwenye mfumo wa Analogi na kilihitaji kuingia katika mfumo wa Digitali ambamo vyama makaini vya mageuzi ya pili vimo,

 Kama vile mungu ameandika kifo kwa ccm mikononi mwa Jakaya Kikwete kabla ya 2015, chama kilifanya mabadiliko tena ya uongozi na kurudisha “makapi” ya kale na si mwingine ni Abdulahiman Kinana mtanzania mwenye ASILI ya “KIGENI” RAIA wa Somalia,

 Malengo ya mwenyekiti ni kutumia taaluma ya Kijasusi ya Kinana katika siasa mpya, lakini akisahau kuwa filosofia ya Kinana na Mkama ni moja kasolo hulka zao tu,

 Kinana amekuja na aina mpya ya siasa za Tanzania, hasa kwa kuruhusu na kushinikiza vyombo vya Dola kutawala siasa za CCM, leo mwanaccm hawezi kuzungumza chochote bungeni bila kupewa maelekezo na Idara za Usalama za nchi,

 Lakini hilo tisa, kumi ni pale chama kilipowaingiza vijana ambao hawajapevuka kiakili katika uongozi wa juu wa chama, lengo la CCM lilikuwa zuri sana kama lingelenga watu sahihi katika nafasi hizo kwakuwa hawa wangekuwa ni kiungo kati ya kundi la vijana nchini ambalo ndilo linalotawala karibu 98% ya wahanga na waamuzi wa siasa za nchi hii, Watu hao si wengine bali ni Mwigulu Nchema na Ndugu Nape Nnauye,

 Hawa kwa political meker wa ccm alilenga kuwa wawe kiunganishi cha vijana wa Kitanzania, lakini matakwa na chaguo la Mwenye Jamuhuri ni ANGAMIZO kwa CCM na kwa NCHI kwa ujumla,

 Wamegeuka kuwa ni maadui wa vijana wa kitanzania, hata wale vijana ambao hawakuwa na uamuzi wa haraka wa kuamua waende chama gani cha siasa wamejikuta wanaichukia CCM hata kabla hawajaamua pakwenda,

 Leo taifa limesimama wima linastaajabu kuona ccm imeamua kutawala kwa damu dhahiri shahiri, siasa za majukwani na vitendo vya vijana hawa Mwigulu na Nape vinaliyumbisha taifa, wamekuwa na mamlaka makuu kuliko hata mwenye Jamhuri, wanaamrisha vyombo vya dola watakavyo,

 Mauaji yametabakaa kila kona ya nchi, na yote chanzo ni siasa za nchi hii, manyanyaso kwa vyama vya upinzini yamekomaa kiasi cha kutishia usalama wa taifa hili hivi sasa, lakini yote haya ni ni siasa za majukwani za ccm kushindwa kushawishi Watanzania na sasa Watanzania wanalazimishwa kwa mtutu wa bunduki kuikubali ccm na maovu yake yote!

 Bahati nzuri watanzania wanasema wazi hapanaaaaa! Hawataki siasa za damu, hawataki kumpenda mtu kwa lazima, hataki kudanganywa tena, hawataki raslimali zao kuibwa tena,

 Wataka huduma bora na maisha bora huku raslimali zao kikilinufaisha taifa na vizazi vyao vya kesho!

 Taifa linayumba kwa siasa CHAFU za CCM, tumekuwa kituko mbele ya uso wa dunia, taifa linanuka DAMU ya binadamu, taifa linaomboleza kila uchao,

 Lakini waratibu na wauaji tunao mitaani, serikali haichukui hatua, na zaidi inabariki kwakusema “wapigini tu tumechoka”

 Kwa muktadha huo chama cha cha siasa chenye mlengo wa fikra za mageuzi ni Chadema, na kimefanikiwa kubeba tumaini la Watanzania karibu wote, labda tu wale wahafidhina vipofu wa ccm!

 Watanzania wanao uchaguzi wao wenyewe, wakuamua ama kuishi katika damu ama kuishi katika ukombozi mpya,

 Mwenye macho haambiwi tazama!

Wikileaks01 Spy

UCHUNGUZI WA MWENENDO WA KISIASA WA ZITTO Z. KABWE NDANI NA NJE YA CHADEMA.

UTANGULIZI:
Tangu mwaka 2008 mwenendo wa kisiasa wa Zitto Zuber Kabwe ulianza kutiliwa shaka na wanachama wa CHADEMA ndani na nje ya chama, Hili lilipelekea kuibuka maneno ya chini kwa chini kuwa anakisaliti chama.
Hilo liliilazimu timu ya kijasusi ya chama kuanza kufuatilia nyendo zake kwa ukaribu zaidi usiku na mchana ili kujiridhisha pasipo kuacha chembe ya mashaka. Ifahamike kuwa chama kina idara ya ulinzi na usalama wa chama na viongozi wake yenye uwezo wa kufuatilia nyendo za majasusi wa nje na viongozi na wanachama wake popote walipo kwa masaa 24. Baada ya kujiridhisha kuwa mwenendo wake ni wa mashaka, bila kusita timu ya ujasusi ilianza kazi rasmi ya ujasusi dhidi ya nyendo zote za Zitto Zuberi Kabwe

MAMBO YALIYOFANYIWA UCHUNGUZI DHIDI YA ZITTO KABWE.

Kumfuatilia yeye binafsi nyendo zake.
Kufuatilia mawasiliano yake ya simu.
Kufuatilia mawasiliano yake ya barua pepe.
Kufuatilia pato lake nje ya kazi zake halali za kibunge.

SEHEMU YA KWANZA 2008

Chombo chetu cha ujasusi tulichokipandikiza kwa siri katika nyendo zote za Zitto Kabwe na ndani ya vikao vya mwanzo kabisa vya Zitto na viongozi serikalini, nahata vile vikao muhimu  vya idara ya ujasusi ya chama cha mapinduzi (ccm), kinatupa fursa ya kuweka msingi wa kuimarisha chama cha CHADEMA na kutenda haki kidemokrasia kwa maslahi ya chama na Taifa kwa ujumla:

Mnamo Jumatatu ya tarehe 16/6/2008 saa 09:46 asubuhi, Mh Zitto Kabwe kupitia simu yake ya kiganjani namba +255754787550 alipokea simu kutoka kwa Ramadhani Ighondu mwenye namba +255717760473 ambaye ni afisa Usalama wa Taifa anayefanya kazi ikulu hivi sasa. Alijitambulisha kuwa yeye ni Usalama wa Taifa  ametumwa na mkuu wake wa kazi aje aongee na Zitto, Maelezo ya msingi katika simu hii ilikuwa ni bwana Ramadhani Ighondu kuomba miadi ya kuonana kutokana na agizo la mkuu wake wa kazi.

Siku sita baadae yaani Jumatatu ya tarehe 23/6/2008 saa 07:52 asubuhi, Zitto alipigiwa tena simu na Ramadhani Ighondu akimkumbusha maongezi yao waliyo fanya siku 6 zilizopita na kumuomba siku hiyo jioni waonane, ingawa Zitto alionekana kusita kidogo lakini baadae alikubali, Walikubaliana wakutane Sea Cliff  Hotel, ilipofika jioni ya siku hiyo Zitto akiwa na marafiki zake wawili Omar Lyasa na Abdalah Said walifika Sea Cliff Hotel wakaketi na kuagiza vinywaji, Baada ya kama dakika kumi hivi Zitto alipokea simu ikimuelekeza alipo bwana Ramadhani Ighondu kisha Zitto akawaambia marafiki zake wamsubiri kidogo, akaondoka kuelekea aliko elekezwa…..

Mashariki mwa lango kuu la kuingilia Sea Cliff Hotel mita kama tatu tu kuna mlango mdogo unaoelekea kwenye vyumba maalumu (VIP), chumba namba 8 ndicho Zitto alichokuwa anaelekezwa kwa simu kuingia, chumba hiki kina meza moja na sofa zilizo zunguka meza ile zenye uwezo wakukaliwa na watu watano hadi sita, Ndani ya chumba kile Zitto anakutana na watu watatu ambao ni  Steven Wasira, Ramadhani Ighondu na Abdalla Punja (hawa wote ni TISS)

Mazungumzo yao ndani ya chumba hiki yalianza maramoja, akianza Mr Ighondu kueleza sababu za wao kumuita Zitto, kikubwa ilikuwa ni “bwana Zitto, serikali (ikulu) inakutaka uache kuibana na kuishurutisha hasa kwa hili suala la Buzwagi”. Tunaomba kujua shida yako kubwa ni nini?” Ighondu alihoji, Katika majibu yake Zitto anajibu,  “Mimi napigania haki za watanzania, nimechaguliwa na wanakigoma na watanzania wameniamini ni wawakilishe hivyo”, Lakini mashambulizi ya ushawishi yalipozidi Zitto alilegeza msimamo wake.

Katika kikao hiki kilichochukua masaa mawili, Zitto anaonekana kusita sana na anaomba apewe muda akafikirie aliyoitiwa, wote wanaafiki na kukubali ombi la Zitto na kikao kinaahirishwa.

Siku tatu tu baada ya kikao cha Hotel ya  Sea Cliff, yaani tarehe 27/6/2008 Zitto anakutana na Naibu Mkurugenzi wa TISS Ndugu Jack Zoka jijini Arusha, hiki sio kikao chao maalumu bali wamekutana  kwa mara ya kwanza wote wakiwa kwenye shughuli za kitaifa, Katika mazungumzo yao wanaonekana ni watu wanaofahamiana japo si kwa undani, Baada ya maongezi ya dakika kadhaa wakiwa wamesimama, Mr Zoka alimuuliza “Vipi vijana wangu walikupa ujumbe, umefikia wapi?” Zitto aliitikia kwa kucheka na kusema “yap nipo tayari, lakini nihakikishieni usalama wangu” Katika maongezi haya, Zoka anasikika akisema “Ondoa shaka” Kisha Mr Zoka anamuagiza Zitto kuwa kesho kutwa yake aende kwa Charles Kimei (Mkurugenzi CRDB Benki) pale Makao makuu, atayakuta maagizo yake huko.

Tarehe 30/6/2008 majira ya saa 12:22 za alasiri, Zitto akiwa ameongozana na kijana mmoja aliyetambuliwa kwa jina la Rajabu Abdala anaingia eneo la CRDB Benki mtaa wa Azikiwe, na kwenda moja kwamoja kuonana na Bw Kimei, baada ya salamu haikuchukua muda mrefu, Zitto akapelekwa katika moja ya vyumba maalumu vya bank hiyo kwenye jengo hilohilo la Azikiwe, baada ya kufika katika chumba hicho Zitto alihamaki kuwakuta watu wawili katika chumba hicho, mmoja alikuwa ni mfanyakazi wa bank hiyo aliyetambuliwa kwa jina la Maselina K. Kombe na mwingine hakuwa mgeni machoni mwa Zitto, alikuwa ni Ramadhani Ighondu yule wa TISS waliyekuwa naye kwenye kikao cha awali kule Sea Cliff  Hotel wiki chache zilizopita, Zitto alikabidhiwa Briefcase nyekundu iliyokuwa imesheheni pesa halali za kitanzania kiasi cha Shilingi milioni 250.

Wakati hayo yakitendeka yule kijana aliyekuja na Zitto alikuwa kwenye gari aina ya Toyota Mark 11 No T 134 AAB yenye rangi nyeupe na vioo vyeusi (Tinted). Baada ya makabidhiano yaliyochukua kama dakika 10 tu, Mr Ighondu alimwambia Zitto, “tunataka utulivu, mengi mazuri yanakuja utafurahia kijana,” Na kisha Zitto akatoka na begi lake (Briefcase) na kuingia nalo katiga gari ile na kutokomea.

Uchunguzi umeonyesha kuwa pesa ile aliyokabidhiwa ndugu Zitto, ilitoka katika akaunti Namba 0J56708968923 yenye jina la Shani Maya, ambapo inaonyesha kuwa akaunti hii ilifunguliwa CRDB tawi la azikiwe tarehe 25/6/2008 saa 10:14 asubuhi, kisha tarehe 27/6/2008 iliingizwa kiasi cha pesa za kitanzania milioni 400. Na tarehe 30/6/2008 pesa hizo zilitolewa zote na akaunti hii ilifungwa. Madhumuni ya pesa hii kutoka CRDB kwenda kwa Zitto yanathibitishwa na kikao cha 23/6/2008 pale Hotel ya Sea Cliff kuwa ni kupunguza kasi ya Zitto kuibana serikali hasa anapo kuwa bungeni. Na kweli kasi yake iliyozoeleka kwenye kuibana serikali akiwa bungeni ikapungua na kuweka msingi wa ujenzi wa mashaka juu ya mwenendo wake wa kibunge.

SEHEMU YA PILI 2009

Mnamo Jumatatu ya tarehe 30/11/2009 saa 04:30 asuhuhi wakati wa maandalizi ya uchaguzi wa  mkuu wa 2010,  idara ya ujasusi ya ccm ilikutana kwa siri pale Moven Pick/SERENA Hotel, ndani ya idara hii wakiwamo Jack Zoka, Wilson Mkama, Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru, Jakaya Kikwete, Nape Nnauye, Fred Kimati, Steven Wasira, Ramadhani Ighondu, Martin Palakyo, Mwigulu Nchemba, Ahamed Msangi na Abdalla Punja. Katika kikao hiki yalijadiliwa mengi sana, lakini kubwa lilikuwa nikukabiliana na vyama vya upinzani hususani  CHADEMA,  zilipangwa mbinu nyingi sana juu ya Chadema,  Mbinu hizo ni kama ifuatavyo:

Kuwanunua wagombea ubunge na Udiwani (Mtakumbuka wagombea wetu kadhaa walikuja kununuliwa na chama kina ushahidi kwenye hili).
Kuwanunua VIONGOZI wajuu wa CHADEMA.
Kutumia TISS kutisha wagombea na wanachama wa Chadema (Hii ilikuwa ni kuwakamata au kuvuruga mikutano).
Kuwaua baadhi ya wafuasi wa Chadema, viongozi wa Chadema na wabunge.

Lakini walitilia mkazo zaidi njia ya kwanza ,ya pili na ya tatu ambapo kikao kilijiridhisha kuwa mmoja wa VIONGOZI wa Chadema ambae ni Zitto Kabwe ni mtu wao ambaye wamesha anza kumtumia, kikubwa liandaliwe fungu tu kwa ajili yakuanza mikakati yao, Waliafikiana mambo mengi kwaajili ya uchaguzi wa mwaka ambao ungefuata, na wakakubaliana mambo kadhaa ambayo walimuagiza Mr Zoka akamwambie Zitto nini cha kufanya ili kupunguza nguvu ya upinzani.

Kwa upande wake Zoka alikiambia kikao kuwa Zitto amemthibitishia kuwa yeye anawafuasi wakutosha ndani ya chama ambapo watamuunga mkono kwa lolote hivyo kikubwa ni pesa tu. Lakini kwanza kikao hicho kilimtaka Mr Zoka amwambie Zitto kuwa taarifa zote zinazoihusu Chadema na za kila vikao vya ndani vya chama zinatakiwa pia ziifikie timu hiyo ya kijasusi ya ccm, pili walitaka Zitto apunguze ushiriki katika majukwaa ya chama na shughuli nyingine za chama. Baada ya kikao sasa ulikuwa ni utekelezwaji wa maadhimio yao.

Zoezi la kikao cha tarehe 30/11/2009 linaonyesha kuzaa matunda hasa baada ya kubainika mawasiliano ya karibu sana kati ya Zitto na Jack Zoka,  Kwamfano: Jumamosi ya tarehe 6/12/2009 saa 03:43 asubuhi Zoka kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 alimpigia simu Zitto kupitia simu yake ya kiganjani ambayo ni +255754787550, wakati wa mawasiliano yao haya ya simu Zitto alikuwa Tabata na maongezi yao yalihusu kikao cha 30/11/2009 na kile walichoamua timu ya kijasusi ya chama (ccm) na matakwa yao kwa Zitto. Ndani ya maongezi yao yaliyochukua dakika 68, Zitto anasema, “Mr kazi hii ni nzito, vipi mmeongeza hela? Isije kuwa kama ile ya mwaka jana.” Anajibiwa na Zoka kuwa “ondoa shaka una dili na Jamhuri, hela sio tatizo”

Lakini zaidi Zitto anamshauri bwana Zoka kuwa utaratibu wa uchukuaji wa pesa ubadilike, “Mr Jack ile staili ya uchukuaji pesa kule CRDB mwaka jana ilinitisha kidogo halafu hii isije ikabumburuka vyombo vya habari vipo makini kweli sasa hivi” Anajibiwa na Bwana Zoka kuwa “Tunazo njia nyingi sana ambazo si TAKUKURU wala polisi wanaoweza kubaini, tusikilize sisi, tutakacho kuambia ujue ni salama, Haya Mr (Zitto) wewe unayajua mazingira vizuri katika nchi moja ya Ulaya?, au unaweza kutafuta mtu unae mwamini huko ili atumiwe yeye hiyo pesa na awe wa kuaminika ili tumtumie kwa vipindi hivi vyote, kisha uifuate huko au uangalie mwenyewe njia sahihi ya kuichukua huko”  Suala la kumpata mtu Ulaya lilionekana kama zito kidogo kwa Zitto, kwani aliomba wawasiliane kesho yake ili awe na jibu la uhakika.

Tarehe hiyo hiyo 6/12/2009 ya Jumamosi saaa 23:05 usiku, Zitto kupitia simu yake ya mkononi namba  +255754787550, alipiga namba +4915739444853, kimaongezi walionekana ni watu wanafahamiana sana, alikuwa anaongea na mwanamke ,waliongea mengi lakini kubwa lilikuwa ni Zitto kuomba kupitisha hela yake kwenye akaunti ya huyu mtu. Mwanamke huyu alihoji kama pesa hiyo ni nyingi na haina madhara? Lakini alijbiwa sio nyingi na haina madhara kwakuwa inatoka serikalini na chama tawala, Mwanamke huyo alizidi kuhoji zaidi, “sasa vyombo vya dola vya hapa Berlin vikinihoji nitasema nimepata wapi?”  Anajibiwa kuwa “Darling  huniamini? Nimesoma na wewe na nimefanya kazi  na wewe, lakini huniamini? Utasema umelipwa nchini Tanzania kwa kazi yako”,  kisha katika maongezi ya hapa na pale dada akakubali na baada ya dakika kumi akamtumia akaunti namba 033B 33093101 Berliner Bank German.

Baada ya kuipata akaunti hii Zitto hakuchelewa, akaipeleka kwa Mr Zoka kwa njia ya ujumbe wa maandishi (sms), baada ya dakika 5, Zoka akampigia simu Zitto kupitia namba +255756809535 nae Zitto akapokea kupitia namba +255754787550, na mazungumzo yao yaliyochukua dakika 6 yakaendelea,  Zoka aliuliza swali kuwa “Mwenye akaunti hiyo huko Ujerumani unamwamini na unamjua vema?” Majibu ya Zitto yalikuwa “Ondoa shaka Mr Jack nafanya kazi ya hatari na wewe , siwezi kukuangusha au kujiangamiza, huyu mtu nimesoma nae na ninamfahamu in and out” Zoka akajibu “ok”.

Jumatano ya tarehe 16/12/2009 majira ya saa 13:12 za mchana kwa Ujerumani akaunti namba 033B 33093101 Berliner Bank, ziliingizwa dola za kimarekani 266,000 pesa hizi katika uchunguzi zimebainika kuwa zilitoka Tanzania katika Benki ya NMB tawi la NMB House jiji Dar katika akaunti namba 2231604658 yenye jina la TSA, hii ni moja ya akaunti za siri za TISS, ambapo wao ndio huzisimamia akaunti zao zote kwa kutumia mawakala (TISS) walio ndani ya benki hiyo.

Kujiridhisha kuwa pesa hiyo ilifika Ujerumani, kunabainishwa na mawasiliano ya barua pepe kati ya Zitto Kabwe na  yule mwanamke wa kijerumani aliyemtumia akaunti ya benki, anafahamika kwa jina la Andrea Cordes, mawasiliano yaliyofanywa tarehe 17 alhamisi saa 20:34 usiku ambapo Andrea kupitia barua pepe yake acodes@gmail.com anamwandikia Zitto kupitia barua pepe ya Zitto iitwayo zittokabwe@gmail.com ,  Andea anasema “Hey sweet, mzigo yako imefika, can we talk?”  Ujumbe huu unajibiwa na Zitto saa 21:03 usiku huo kwakusema, “I’m so sorry my darling, nimechelewa kukujibu, I will call you soon”

Saa 23:23 Zitto Kabwe kupitia simu yake ya kiganjani namba  +255754787550, alimpiga Andrea Codes kupitia namba +4915739444853, akimweleza kuwa anashukuru kwa mzigo kumfikia, lakini anataka kumpa utaratibu wa kuichukua hiyo pesa, ambapo alimweleza kuwa atakuwa anaichukua kidogo kidogo kila mwezi kwa njia ya Western Union kuanzia dola 20,000 hadi dola 50,000, wakati huo Andea Codes atakula kamisheni ya dola 25,000.

Uchunguzi wa ndani umebaini pesa hiyo  ilitumwa kwa Zitto ndani ya miezi 8 kwa vipindi tofauti kupitia Western Union kama alivyoomba, na alikuwa anachukulia maeneo tofauti tofauti hapa jijini Dar, vilevile uchunguzi umebaini kuwa mwanamke huyu ni Mjerumani aliyewahi kuishi Tanzania na amezaa mtoto mmoja hapa Tanzania,  Mwanamke huyu anaitwa Andrea Cordes, anaishi Mechernich Ujerumani, mtaa namba 134, nyumba namba 141,  anafanya kazi UN Women Nationales Komitee Deutschland e.V.  Shirika ambalo shughuli zake huendeshea pia Tanzania. Katika uchunguzi zaidi imebainika kuwa akaunti aliyomtumia Zitto ni ya kwake binafsi, katika ushahidi tuliobaini kupitia  benki iitwayo Berliner Bank yenye Code No Hardenbergstraße 32, 10623 iliyopo mjini Berlin nchini Ujerumani.

SEHEMU YA TATU 2010
Uhusiano usio wa kawaida na wa karibu wa Zitto na viongozi wa ccm, serikali na wale wa Usalama wa Taifa uliendelea kushamiri hasa kipindi cha kampeni na kipindi cha uchaguzi mkuu wa 2010, Mfano tarehe 7/9/2010 siku ya jumanne saa 11:21 asubuhi, Ahmed Msangi kupitia namba yake ya simu  ya kiganjani +255784277884, alimpigia Zitto kupitia simu ya kiganjani  namba  +255754787550 waliongea mambo mengi japo kwa muda mfupi, na jambo kubwa lilikuwa ni “vipi kuna kipya ndani ya Chadema?” Zitto alijibu “yapo mengi lakini hayana impact kwa ccm” Msangi anajibu “Ok mr nikutakie siku njema”

Lakini mawasiliano  ya simu yaliyochukua mda mrefu zaidi yalikuwa kati ya Zitto na Zoka yaliyofanywa tarehe  10/9/2010 siku ya ijumaa saa 07:04 jioni na mazungumzo yao yalichukua dakika 71, Mazungumzo haya yalifanywa wakati huo Zitto akiwa katika hoteli ya  Blue Pearl Ubungo, Mr Zoka alitaka kujua mambo kadhaa kuelekea Uchaguzi mkuu, kwanza alimuuliza “Mr Zitto umejiandaaje, una timu ya kazi?” Zitto akajibu “nipo fiti kiakili na kimwili na nina timu ya kutosha, ondoa shaka juu yangu, kama ipo hiyo hela tumeni tu Ujerumani kwenye ile akaunti, na ningeomba kukutana na mwenyeti wenu (rais JK)” Zoka lijibu “hilo halina tabu nitalifikisha sehemu husika bwana Zitto”,

Uchunguzi umebainisha kuwa akaunti namba 033B 33093101 Berliner Bank ya German iliendelea kuingizwa pesa kwa nyakati tofauti kutoka Tanzania kupitia NMB akaunti namba 2231604658  yenye jina la TSA ambayo ni moja ya akaunti za siri za TISS.

Mfano: tarehe 29/9/2010 siku ya juma tano, kiasi cha dola 250,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akaunti hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Tarehe 06/01/2011 siku ya alhamisi, kiasi cha dola 240,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akaunti hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Tarehe 21/6/2011 siku ya jumanne, kiasi cha dola 240,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akaunti hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba  2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Tarehe 09/12/2011 siku ya ijumaa, kiasi cha dola 255,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akaunti hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB  Tanzania,

Tarehe 02/02/2012 siku ya alhamisi, kiasi cha dola 260,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akaunti hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Tarehe 14/05/2012 siku ya jumatatu, kiasi cha dola 250,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akati hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Tarehe 13/12/2012 siku ya alhamisi, kiasi cha dola 255,000 kiliingizwa kwenye akati hii  033B 33093101 ya Ujerumani, kutoka akaunti namba 2231604658 NMB Tanzania,

Uchunguzi umebainisha kuwa pesa zote zilimfikia Zitto kwa njia ya Western Union akitumiwa dola 50,000 mpaka dola 20,000 kati ya wiki mbili mpaka mwezi mmoja.

SEHEMU NNE: MATUMIZI YA PESA HIYO

Uchunguzi umezidi kubaini kuwa kuanzia mwanzoni mwa mwaka 2011, kutoka kuugwa mkono na wanachadema kama mwanasiasa makini, Zitto aliamua kuunda kundi la uasi ndani ya chama. Baadhi ya waliounda kundi hili ni:

Zitto Z. Kabwe +255754787550/756809535/713730256
Juliana Shonza +255714669850/756359073
Habib Mchange +255762178678
Mtela Mwampamba +255718037358/755178927
Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790
Eddo Makata +255757149043/655148758
Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503
Adams Chagulani +255767137831
Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609
John M. Shibuda  +255754465597
Kitila Mkumbo +255754301908
Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685
Ben Saanane +255768078523

Timu ya upelelezi imebaini kuwa kundi hili lilikuwa linapokea fedha kutoka kwa Zitto kwa njia ya M-Pesa, Uchunguzi umebaini kuwa kuanzia 2011 kundi hili lilianza kutumiwa pesa na Zitto kwa njia ya M-Pesa kila mwezi, ambapo kila mwanakundi alikuwa akipokea kati ya 150,000/= mpaka 200,000/= , na ilipofika mwishoni mwa mwaka 2012 kundi hili sasa likawa linalipwa karibu kwa wiki,

Takwimu za malipo ya wafuasi wa kundi hili kutoka kwa Zitto kwa mwaka 2012 zinaonyesha walilipwa kwa njia ya  M-PESA  No+255756809535 hii ni namba mojawapo ya Zitto Zuberi Kabwe:

Tarehe 25/2/2012 saa 10:09 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Ben Saanane +255768078523,

Baada ya hapo saa 10:32 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 26/3/2012 saa 11:12 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Ben Saanane +255768078523, Baada ya hapo saa 11:43 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 20/4/2012 saa 09:11 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Ben Saanane +255768078523, Baada ya hapo saa 10:30 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 22/5/2012 saa 10:15 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Ben Saanane +255768078523, Baada ya hapo saa 11:02 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 28/6/2012 saa 13:51 mchana,  John M. Shibuda kupitia namba yake ya simu +255754465597 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wenzake,  Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Ben Saanane +255768078523, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Juliana Shonza +255756359073,

Baada ya Shibuda kuwalipa 28/6/2012 saa 13:51 mchana,  sasa Zitto alibadili mfumo wa malipo ukawa wa TIGO PESA +255713730256 lakini viwango vilevile na mtiririko ulele.

Tarehe 22/7/2012 saa 08:17 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Ben Saanane +255768078523, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Kisha saa 09:38 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 24/8/2012 saa 09:06 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia ++255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Ben Saanane +255768078523, Adams Chagulani +255767137831,Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Kisha saa 09:23 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255756809535 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 02/09/2012 saa 09:52 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Ben Saanane +255768078523, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Kisha saa 10:43 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 20/09/2012 saa 10:19 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Ben Saanane +255768078523, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Baada ya hapo saa 10:53 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 24/10/2012 saa 11:18 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Ben Saanane +255768078523, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Kisha saa 11:52 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 25/11/2012 saa 10:34 asubuhi, Zitto Kabwe kupitia +255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Baada ya hapo saa 10:56 asubuhi hiyohiyo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Tarehe 29/11/2012 saa 12:12 mchana, Zitto Kabwe kupitia  +255713730256 aliwatumia shilingi 150,000/= wafuasi wa kundi lake,  Juliana Shonza +255756359073, Habib Mchange +255762178678, Mtela Mwampamba +255755178927, Gwakisa  Burton +255713316790, Eddo Makata +255757149043, Greyson Nyakarungu +255755023503, Deogratius Kisandu +255655025609, Adams Chagulani +255767137831, Exaud Mamuya  +255767160685, Baada ya hapo saa 12:32 mchana huohuo Zitto Kabwe kupitia namba yake ya simu +255713730256  aliwatumia shilingi 200,000/= Mkumbo Kitila +255754301908 na John Shibuda +255754465597

Kundi hili lilikuwa na mipango mingi sana, lakini lengo/shabaha/dhamira ilikuwa ni moja tu nayo ni kukidhohofisha Chadema kwa manufaa ya ccm. Uthibitisho wa lengo la kundi hili unabainishwa katika mawasiliano ya simu kati ya Zitto na wanakikundi hicho,  katika ujumbe wa maandishi (sms)  aliousambaza kwa wanakikundi hiki Zitto anasisitiza umakini ili wasije kujulikana na Chama, vilevile anawasisitiza kukisajili kikundi hiki ikiwa ni pamoja na kufungua akaunti ya benki ya kikundi hiki,

Ujumbe mwingine aliousambaza tarehe 30/11/2012 saa 08:21 kwa wafuasi wa kundi hili kupitia namba +255713730256,  unasema, “Ni lazima tukidhibiti hiki kibabu vile vile lazima tumng’oe Mbowe, Tunadanganyana tu kuwa chadema itaingia ikulu, kwanza simamieni harakati za kushinikiza kadi ya kibabu irudishwe ccm”.

Timu ya kijasusi imejiridhidha kuwa Ben Saanane alikuwa kwenye kundi hilo kwa kazi maalumu na ameisaidia sana timu hii ya ujasusi kupata habari muhimu za  ndani za kundi hilo la uasi lililokuwa limejipanga kwa ustadi likitumia mbinu za kuwagombanisha viongozi wa juu wa chama hasa likilenga Mwenyekiti na Katibu mkuu, huku juhudi za kumkwamisha mwenyekiti wa BAVICHA nazo zikipamba moto na kusukwa kwa ustadi mkubwa, Kikundi hiki hakikuishia hapo tu kwani kilianzisha mradi wa kuwatukana viongozi wa Chadema na familia zao, kuanzisha tuhuma za uongo na kuzisambaza kwenye mitandao ya kijamii. Lilianzisha mradi wa kuhubiri udini, ukanda na ukabila ndani ya chama kwa kutumia vyombo vya habari na mitandao ya kijamii. Likaanzisha tena harakati za kumpindua mwenyekiti kupitia kifupi cha jina PM7 (Pindua Mbowe 7) nk.

MAPENDEKEZO YA HATUA ZA KUCHUKUA

Baada ya kujiridhisha kuwa Zitto Zuber Kabwe Mbunge wa Chadema na Naibu Katibu Mkuu wa Chadema, ameasi Chama na ameunda kundi ndani ya chama linaloendesha vuguvugu la mapinduzi kwa viongozi halali wa chama kwa ufadhiri wa chama tawala ccm, ikiwa ni kinyume cha katiba na itifaki za chama,  Timu ya ujasusi inapendekeza yafuatayo:

Chama kijiridhishe bila ya kuacha chembe ya mashaka kutoka kwa wahusika wa kikundi hiki ambao ni Zitto na wenzake, Ikiwa watakiri kuhusika, Chama kiwaamuru wawaombe radhi wanachama.

Naibu Katibu mkuu ndugu Zitto Kabwe na Makamu Mwenyekiti wa BAVICHA ndugu Julina Shonza wapime wenyewe kama wanastahili kuendelea na nafasi zao za uongozi ndani ya Chama.

Ikiwa Chama kitaamua kuunda tume ya uchunguzi wa haya, wahusika wote hasa wenye vyeo kama Zitto Kabwe na Juliana Shonza wawekwe pembeni na shughuli za Chama ili kupisha uchunguzi huru.

Chama kiwavue uanachama Zitto Kabwe na kundi lake lote bila kusita, hii inatokana na mikakati ya kukiangamiza chama inayoendelea ndani ya CCM kwa ushirikiano wa Zitto Kabwe na viongozi waandamizi wa ccm.

Kuelekea 2015, Idara ya ujasusi ya chama iongezewe nguvu na mafunzo, ikiwezekana kiundwe kikosi maalumu nje ya timu ya kijasusi iliyopo sasa na kipewe mafunzo na vitendea kazi vya kutosha kwaajili ya ulinzi wa chama na viongozi wake.

Chama kianzishe utaratibu wa semina au mafunzo ya kipindi kifupi na kati kwa makada wake jinsi ya utumiaji wa mitandao ya kijamii.

Kiundwe kitengo cha propaganda za kisiasa chenye watu weledi wa mambo na masuala mbalimbali na kipewe uwezo ili kukabiliana na propanda za chama tawala na vyama vingine.

Chama kizidi kuchukuahatua stahiki za kimaamuzi dhidi ya viongozi au wanachama wanao dhoofisha harakati za mabadiliko kuelekea 2015 na baada ya 2015

Mwisho tunawashukuru baadhi ya maafisa wa kijasusi wa mjini Berlin Ujerumani waliosaidia kupata baadhi ya taarifa muhimu kutoka Ujerumani.

Wikileaks spy – wikipedia

Israel /ˈɪzreɪəl/, officially the State of Israel (Hebrew: מְדִינַת יִשְׂרָאֵל‎, Medīnat Yisrā’el, IPA: [mediˈnat jisʁaˈʔel] ( listen); Arabic: دولة إِسرائيل‎, Dawlat Isrāʼīl, IPA: [dawlat ʔisraːˈʔiːl]), is a country in Western Asia, on the south-eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. It shares land borders with Lebanon in the north, Syria in the northeast, Jordan and Palestine in the east, Egypt and the Gaza Strip on the southwest, and the Gulf of Aqaba in the Red Sea to the south, and it contains geographically diverse features within its relatively small area. In its Basic Laws Israel defines itself as a Jewish and Democratic State; it is the world’s only Jewish-majority state.

On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly recommended the adoption and implementation of the partition plan of Mandatory Palestine. On 14 May 1948, David Ben-Gurion, the Executive Head of the World Zionist Organization and president of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, declared “the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz Israel, to be known as the State of Israel,” a state independent upon the termination of the British Mandate for Palestine, 15 May 1948.Neighboring Arab armies invaded Palestine on the next day and fought the Israeli forces. Israel has since fought several wars with neighboring Arab states, in the course of which it has occupied the West Bank, Sinai Peninsula (between 1967 and 1982), part of South Lebanon (between 1982 and 2000), Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights. It annexed portions of these territories, including East Jerusalem, but the border with the West Bank is disputed. Israel has signed peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan, but efforts to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict have so far not resulted in peace.

Israel’s financial center is Tel Aviv, while Jerusalem (if East Jerusalem is included) is the country’s most populous city and its designated capital.^{[note 1]} The population of Israel, as defined by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, was estimated in 2013 to be 8,051,200 people, of whom 6,045,900 are Jewish. Arabs form the country’s second-largest group with 1,663,400 people (including the Druze and most East Jerusalem Arabs). The great majority of Israeli Arabs are settled–Muslims, with smaller but significant numbers of semi-settled Negev Bedouins; the rest are Christians and Druze. Other minorities than Arabs include Maronites, Samaritans, Black Hebrew Israelites, Armenians, Circassians and others. Israel also hosts a significant population of non-citizen foreign workers and asylum seekers from Africa and Asia.

Israel is a representative democracy with a parliamentary system, proportional representation and universal suffrage. The Prime Minister serves as head of government and the Knesset serves as Israel’s unicameral legislative body. Israel is a developed country and an OECD memberits economy being the 43rd-largest in the world by nominal gross domestic product as of 2012. Israel has the highest standard of living in the Middle East and the third highest in Asia. Its citizens have one of the highest life expectancies in the world.

Wikileaks01 Spy

Mkwawa au kwa jina defu Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga (1855 – 19 Julai 1898¹) alikuwa chifu na kiongozi mkuu wa Wahehe katika Tanzania wakati wa upanuzi wa ukoloni wa Ujerumani wakati wa mwisho wa karne ya 19. Mkwawa aliongoza upinzani wa Wahehe dhidi ya Wajerumani.

Upanuzi wa Wahehe

Jina la Mkwawa ni kifupi cha Mukwava ambalo ni kifupi cha Mukwavinyika iliyokuwa jina lake la heshima likimaanisha “kiongozi aliyetwaa nchi nyingi”. Mkwawa alizaliwa mnamo mwaka 1855 mahali palipoitwa Luhotakaribu na Iringa mjini. Alikuwa mtoto wa chifu Munyigumba aliyeaga dunia mwaka 1879. Babake Munyingumba aliwahi kuunganisha temi ndogo za Wahehe na makabila ya majirani kuwa dola moja. Aliiga mfumo wa kijeshi wa Wasangu waliowahi kuwa kabila lenye nguvu waliowahi kujifunza mfumo huu kutoka Wangoni na impi za Shaka Zulu. Hadi miaka ya 1870 eneo la Wahehe ilipanushwa mbali kuanzia kusini hadi katikati ya Tanzania ya leo. Baada ya kifo cha chifu mzee watoto walishindana kati yao juu ya urithi wake huku mpwa wa Mkwa bwana Mwambambe Mwalunyungu aliyekuwa msaidizi na wa karibu wa Mnyigumba akikalia utawala huo kwa mabavu, Msuguano huo ulimfanya Mkwawa kuitoroka Iringa na kwenda uhamishoni Morogoro ambako alikaa kwa takribani miaka miwili na kuhamia Mpwapwa Dodoma. Hali ya utawala wa Mwambambe Mwalunyungu haikuwavutia wazee wa kihehe ambapo waliandaa uasisi na wakatuma mmoja wa askari aende Mpwapwa akanuite Mkwawa arudi kuchukua himaya. Jambo hilo lilimfanya mkwawa aingiwe na hofu kuwa angeuawa na Mwambambe, lakini wazee walimhakikishia kuwa watamuunga mkono, kweli Mkwawa alirudi na vita ikaanza ambapo katika mapigano askari wa Mwambambe walikuwa wakiasi kadiri mapigano yalivyosonga, na  baadae Mwambambe akakimbia nakujificha kwenye kichaka kiitwacho (lugegele) Ikumbukwe kuwa Mwambambe alikuwa na uwezo wa kudaka mkuki inayomlenga zaidi ya kumi, hivyo kila askari wakijaribu kumcho na mkuki alikuwa akidaka na kuwaua askari hao na mkuki huohuo, mwisho askari mmoja aliyeitwa Mwakilufi, aliushika mkuki nakujaribu kama anajichoma vile kisha akaufyatua kwa spidi ya hali ya juu na ukampata kifuani na kutokeza mgongoni Mwambmabe, Hakika ilikuwa ni vita ya kimizimu, baada ya hapo Mwambe aliongea maneno haya “Be mnyakilambo, ndakulile kiki pe ukumbulaga de?” (kijana nilikulia nini unaponiua hivi?) Yule askari Mwakilufu alijibu, “Walye nda unoge be” (ulikula hivyohivyo bwana) Baada ya kumuua Mwambambe walimla nyama pale pale tena mbichi, Mkwawa alimwambia yule askari atambe kidogo kuonyesha ujasiri wake, hapo yule askali akaanza, vava mwakilufi,vasengidunda,vamaseto,vamwalumato, vamwaluhala, vamwamyinga, vasemdapo, vamwamgimwa, vamwachalamila, vamwachavala, vamwamalangalila, nk Sasa Mkwawa akawa ameshinda na akawa kiongozi mpya wa Wahehe. Aliendelea kupanusha utawala wake. Hadi mwisho wa miaka ya 1880 alitawala sehemu muhimu za njia ya misafara kati ya pwani na Ziwa Tanganyika. Misafara hii iliyobeba bidhaa za nje kama kitambaa, visu na silaha kutoka pwani ikirudi na watumwa na pembe za ndovu ilipaswa kumlipia hongo ikanunua pia wafungwa wa vita zake. Hapo athiri na uwezo wake wa kulipa jeshi kubwa ikapanuka.

Mkwawa na upanuzi wa Wajerumani

Tangu miaka ya 1885 Wajerumani walianza kuunda koloni yao katika Tanzania bara. Mwaka 1888/89 utawala wao ulitikisihwa na vita ya Abushiri lakini baada ya kushinda upinzani wa Waafrika wa pwani Wajerumani walilenga kuimarisha utawala wao juu ya sehemu za bara. Mkwawa aliwahi kusikia mapema habari za Wajerumani akajaribu kuwasiliana nao lakini bila kuelewana. Aliamua kujenga boma imara lenye kuta za mawe kwenye makao makuu yake huko Kalenga karibu na Iringa. Katika mwezi wa Februari 1891 alituma wajumbe kwa kambi la Wajerumani huko Mpwawa wakapokelewa na gavana Mjerumani. Wakati huohuo Mkwawa aliendelea kutuma askari zake hadi Usagara iliyotazamiwa na Wajerumani kama eneo lao. ^[1] Katika kipindi hiki gavana mpya Julius von Soden alifika Dar es Salaam. Hakuwa na mamlaka juu ya mkuu mpya wa jeshi Emil von Zelewski aliyepokea amri zake kutoka Berlin moja kwa moja. Baada ya kusikia habari za mashambulio ya Mkwawa katika Usangara aliomba na kupata kibali cha “kuwaadhibu Wahehe”.

Mapigano ya Lugalo

Katika mwezi wa Julai 1891 von Zelewski aliongoza kikosi cha maafisa Wajerumani 13 na askari Waafrika hasa kutoka Sudan 320, pamoja na wapagaji 113. Walikuwa na bunduki za kisasa, bunduki za mtombo na mizinga midogo. Zelewski aliwadharau Wahehe kama washenzi ambao walikuwa na mikuki na pinde tu. Kwa hiyo hakuuona haja ya kutuma wapelelezi wa awali. Njiani aliangamiza vijiji alivyokuta na katika mwezi wa Agosti alipoona Wahehe 3 waliomkaribia aliagiza kuwaua bila kuongea nao. Kumbe walikuwa mabalozi wa Mkwawa aliyetaka kujadiliana na Wajerumani. Tarehe 17 Agosti 1891 Zelewski na jeshi lake walipita kwenye manyasi marefu karibu na Lugalo. Mkwawa alikuwa alimsububiri na Wahehe 3,000 walionyamaza hadi Wajerumani waliotembea kwa umbo la safu ndefu walikuwa karibu kabisa wakawashambulia. Wajerumani walikosa muda kuandaa silaha zao wakashtushwa kabisa. Sehemu kubwa ya askari waliuawa katika muda wa dakika chache pamoja na jemadari von Zelewski. Sehemu ya kombania ya nyuma ilirudi nyuma na kusimama kwenye kilimo kidogo walipoweza kutumia bunduki la mtombo wakajitetea na kuua Wahehe wengi. Sehemu hii ilijumlisha maafisa 2 na maafande 2 Wajerumani waliweza kukimbia na kujiokoa pamoja na askari 62 na wapagaji 74.

Kipindi cha vita dogo

Baada ya mapigano Mkwawa alihesabu wafu wake waliokuwa wengi. Alikataza bada za kilio kwa sababu alitaka kuficha idadi ya askari waliokufa. Akaelewa sasa ya kwamba silaha za Wazungu zilikuwa hatari alituma tena mabalozi kwa gavana von Soden walioeleza ya kwamba Wahehe walikuwa walijitetea tu dhidi ya shambulio walitaka amani. Lakini madai ya Wajerumani yalikuwa magumu eti kuwaruhusu wafanyabiashara kupita bila matata na kutoshambulia majirani tena. Mkwawa hakuwa tayari kuahidi yote akachelewesha mikutano. Wakati huu kamanda mpya Mjerumani Tom von Prince alijenga boma jipya la Wajerumani katika Uhehe na Mkwawa alijibu kwa kusambulia vikosi vidogo vya jeshi la kikoloni. Gavana Soden alidai kutoendelea na mapigano. ^[2]. 1893 gavana von Soden aliondoka Afrika na gavana mpya von Schele alitaka kulipiza kisasi akaamuru mashambulio dhidi ya Mkwawa.

Anguko la Kalenga

Mwezi wa Oktoba 1894 von Schele aliongoza kikosi cha maafisa Wajerumani 33 na askari Waafrika pamoja na wagajai zaidi ya 1000 kuelekea Kalenga. Walikuwa na mizinga 4 na bunduki bombomu. Walipofika mbele ya Kalenga Wahehe walijisikia salama kutokana na kuta imara lakini Wajerumani walijipanga kilomita kadhaa nje ya mji wakaanza kufyatulia mizinga yao na kuua watu ndani ya mji. Wakati wa giza kwenye asubuhi wa 30 Oktoba 1894 askari wa jeshi la Schutztruppe walipanda ukuta katika sehemu ulipodhoofishwa tayari na kuingia mjini. Hadi jioni walikuwa waliteka mji wote. Gombora na mikuki ya Wahehe hazikuweza kushindana na bombomu za Wajerumani. Mkwawa mwenyewe aliamua kukimbia pamoja na 2000 – 3000 askari lakini kabla ya kukimbia alimwua mganga mzee aliyewahi kutabiri ya kwamba atawashinda Wajerumani waliokuja. Gavana von Schele aliandika taarifa kwa serikali ya Ujerumani “tulizika maadui 250, wengine walichomwa katika nyumba zao, wanawake na watoto 1500 kutekwa nyara” ^[3]. Mkwawa alijificha msituni pamoja na askari zake akasubiri. Gavana von Schele alishindwa kuendelea na mashambulio wa sababu gharama za vita zilishinda makaisio yake na wabunge wa upinzani katika Reichstag huko Berlin walipinga vita ya kikoloni; walikataa kuongeza makisio na kiongozi wa wasoshalisti August Bebel aliita mtindo wa kuchoma mji na kuteka nyara watoto na wanawake “ushenzi mkuu”.

Amani fupi

Baada ya kuondoka kwa Wajerumani Mkwawa aliweza kurudi na kujenga tena nyumba mahali pa Kalenga. Katika Septemba 1895 Mkwawa alikuwa tayari kujadiliana na Wajerumani na tar 12 Oktoba walipatana amani. Wajerumani walimkubali Mkwawa kama chifu wa Wahehe , Wahehe waliahidi kukabidhi gobori zote, kuonyesha bendera ya Kijerumani na kuwaruhusu wafanyabiashara na wasafiri kupita Uhehe. Mkwawa alimwagiza mjomba wake kutia sahihi akakataa mwenyewe akisema hii ingemwua. Hata hivyo miezi kadhaa baadaye alitafuta msaada wa Wajerumani kwa shambulio dhidi ya Wabena. Afisa mmoja Mjerumani aliyefika Kalenga mpya alizuiliwa kuingia na kumwona chifu akaambiwa alipe hongo ya bundiki 5 wa kuingia katika eneo la Mkwawa. Hapo maafisa wa jeshi la Wajerumani waliolinda mpaka ambao bado walitafuta nafasi ya kulipiza kisasi kwa Lugalo waliamua chifu alivunja mkataba. Kapteni Tom von Prince alijenga boma jipya karibu na Kalenga alianza kuwasiliana na machifu wadogo wa Wahehe. Mkwawa alijaribu kujenga mapatano na majirani lakini Wabena na makabila mengine walikumbuka vita na mashambulio ya awali kutoka Uhehe walipendelea kushikamana na Wajerumani. Mkwawa aliwaua machifu wawili wahehe waliowahi kukaa na von Prince lakini aliona hawakuwa wa pekee waliosita kumtii tena. Alipata habari ya kwamba mdogo wake Mpangile alishikamana na Wajerumani. Wakati wa Septemba 1896 Wahehe waligawanyika na sehemu kubwa ya viongozi waliochoka vita ilikuwa tayari kuwakubali Wajerumani.^[4]. Wajerumani waligawa eneo lao. Wasangu walirudishwa katika eneo lao la awali wakarudi kutoka Usafwa katika mji mkuu wa Utengule Usangu. Mpangile alisimikwa kama kiongozi mpya wa Uhehe penyewe lakini baaa ya siku 50 alisimamishwa na kuuwa na Wajerumani waliomshtaki eti anamsaidia kakaye kisiri.

Mafichoni na kifo

Mkwawa alikuwa aliondoka sehemu za Iringa mwezi wa Agosti 1896 alipoona mgawanyiko. Alifuata mwendo wa mto Ruaha akilindwa na wenyeji waliokuwa tayari kumficha na na kumlinda dhidi ya vikosi vya Wajerumani waliomtafuta. Disemba 1896 alihamia milima ya Uzungwa alipojificha. Kutoka hapa alitelemka mara kwa mara kwenye mabonde alipopata vyakula na kushambulia vikosi vidogo vya askari vya Kijerumani. Katika Julai 1897 kikosi kikubwa cha Wasangu pamoja na Wahehe chini ya uongozi wa Wajerumani walikuta kambi la Mkwawa mlimani wakashambulia lakini Mkwawa aliweza kukimbia. Mwaka 1898 Mkwawa aliendelea kujificha kwenye misitu akiongozana na watu wachache sana. Aliishi hasa kwa njia ya kuvinda. Wakati wa Julai 1898 aliongozana na wavulana 4 pekee halafu Wazungwa 2 mume na mke. Tarehe Julai 16 Wajeumani waliowahi kusikia habari zake walimkuta huyu mama Mzungwa alipotafuta chakula wakamkamata akawaambia Mkwawa alielekea kusini. Wakamfuata na tar 18 Julai Mkwawa alimwua mume Mzungwa kwa hofu ya kusalitiwa. Aliendelea na wavulana 2 tu walioitwa Musigombo na Lifumika. Watoto waliogopa angeweza kuwaua pia. Hapo Lifumika aliamua kukimbia asubuhi ya tar 19 Julai. Lakini siku ileile alipotelemka kutoka mlimani alikutana na kikosi cha Wajerumani akakimbia lakini wakamshika wakamlazimisha kuwaambia habari za Mkwawa. Kijana alimwambia sajenti Mjerumani kuwa chifu alikaa mgonjwa mahali kwa umbali wa masaa 3. Walimlazimisha kuwaongoza. Njiani walisikia kwa mbali sauti ya bunduki, risasi 1. Wakaendelea na baada ya masaa mawili walikuta maiti za Mkwawa na kijajana mwingine. Inaonekana waliwahi kujiua na sauti ya bunduki ilikuwa Mkwawa aliyejipigia risasi.^[5]

Fuvu la Mkwawa

Kichwa cha mtemi kinasemekana kilikatwa na Wajerumani na kutumwa Berlin kilipohifadhiwa katika makumbusho, awali Berlin na baadaye Bremen. Waingereza waliochukua utawala wa koloni mwaka 1918 baada ya Vita Kuu ya Kwanza ya Dunia walitaka kuonekana kama mabwana wema. Mkuu wa serikali ya kikoloni ya Tanganyika alipendekeza kurudisha fuvu kwa sababu Wahehe walishirikiana na Waingereza wakati wa vita. Hivyo kuna kipengele 246 katika mkataba wa Versailles kinachosema: “Katika muda wa miezi 6 baada ya kuthebitishwa kwa mkataba huu … Ujerumani itakabidhi fuvu ya Sultani Mkwawa iliyohamishwa kutoka Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani na kupelekwa Ujerumani kwa serikali ya Mfalme wa Uingereza.” Wajerumani walikataa habari za fuvu hii na Waingereza waliamua ya kwamba ilishindikana kuikuta. Lakini baada ya vita kuu ya pili ambako Ujerumani penyewe ilivamiwa na wanajeshi wa Uingereza gavana Twining wa Tanganyika alikumbuka habari za fuvu akatembelea Ujerumani na kutazama mafuvu ya makumbusho ya Bremen.Katika mkusanyiko wa fuvu 2000 zilikuwa 84 zenye namba zilizoonyesha zilitoka kiasili katika Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani. Hapa alizipanga kufuatana na ukubwa na kutazama zile zilizokuwa na vipimo vya karibu na ndugu za Mkwawa aliowahi kupima kabla ya safari yake. Hapa aliteua fuvu yenye shimo kwa sababu taarifa ya kale ilisema Mkwawa alijiua kwa kujipigia risasi kichwani. Fuvu hii ilipelekwa Tanganyika tarehe 9 Julai 1954 na kuhifadhiwa katika jengo la makumbusho ya Mkwawa kwenye kijiji cha Kalenga

Marejeo

1. ↑ John Iliffe, A modern history of Tanganyika, 1979, uk 108
2. ↑ Iliffe uk. 109-110
3. ↑ David Pizzo, “To devour the land of Mkwawa”: Colonial violence and the German-Hehe War in East Africa, 2007, uk 173
4. ↑ John Iliffe, A modern history of Tanganyika, 1979, uk 113 / 114
5. ↑ John Iliffe, A modern history of Tanganyika, 1979, uk 115 /116

John Mnyika mbunge wa jimbo la Ubongo

Jimboni-Ubungo

Proving the existence of God is the beginning of having faith in God, so it is one of the most important goals to establish in our lives. It answers whether we are alone or not as a human race and whether or not our existence has purpose. Can we logically prove the existence of God without going to the Bible? If by “God” we mean a Creator of the universe, then the answer is certainly yes. (Specifically identifying this Creator as the Judeo-Christian God of the Bible, however, does require proving and accepting the Bible to be true—a topic for another time.) By considering certain aspects of the natural world around us, we can arrive at the commonsense conclusion that there is a powerful, all-wise Creator who made it all. Let’s explore five key proofs of God’s existence with clear illustrations to back them up. To make it easier to remember, we’ll use the acronym GODLY. G for Genetics The molecular information of genes instructs cells in how to function and reproduce. The study of genetics has revolutionized our understanding of living things and how they operate. Key illustration: DNA. Containing the 3-billion-letter code inside our cells (of four recurring letters, or chemicals actually, the names of which start with these letters), it’s a virtual library of instruction manuals for assembling and operating all the cells of the body. A few years ago, one of the world’s most famous atheists, Professor Anthony Flew, came to the conclusion that God exists based on DNA evidence. “What I think the DNA material has done,” he wrote, “is that it has shown, by the almost unbelievable complexity of the arrangements which are needed to produce [life], that intelligence must have been involved in getting these extraordinarily diverse elements to work together. “It’s the enormous complexity of the number of elements and the enormous subtlety of the ways they work together. The meeting of these two parts at the right time by chance is simply minute. It is all a matter of the enormous complexity by which the results were achieved, which looked to me like the work of intelligence” (There Is a God, 2007, p. 75). In his book The Case for a Creator, former atheist Lee Strobel writes: “The six-feet of DNA coiled inside every one of our body’s one-hundred trillion cells contains a four-letter chemical alphabet that spells out precise assembly instructions for all the proteins from which our bodies are made. Cambridge-educated Stephen Meyer demonstrated that no hypothesis has come close to explaining how information got into biological matter by naturalistic means” (2004, p. 282). So there is no logical explanation as to how this incredibly extensive, exquisite code inside the cell could exist without a supremely intelligent Being having designed it. Microsoft founder Bill Gates noted, “DNA is like a software program, only much more complex than anything we’ve ever devised” (The Road Ahead, 1996, p. 228). It is absurd to think that nobody designed such a complex code—that it is simply a result of time, chance and mutation. O for Origin If things have an origin, they first needed an originator. The greatest question in philosophy is: Why does something exist instead of nothing? Philosophers don’t really have an adequate answer. But there is a principle in nature that points to the answer—everything with a beginning has a cause, and there are no known exceptions to this rule. Key illustration: the universe. Physics and astronomy have established that it had a beginning. For instance, it can be shown that the universe is presently expanding outward from an initial point. So if everything with a beginning has a cause, and if the universe has a beginning, then it must also have a cause that created it—the First Cause. Moreover, everything that is caused to exist is brought about by something superior to itself. Therefore, something greater than the universe must have brought it into existence. This is a strong proof that a Creator exists. D for Design Everything that has a specific and complex design has a designer. For instance, a building is designed by an architect. No amount of time, chance and unthinking natural processes can produce a building. In a similar way, we see the exquisite designs of things around us. On Mt. Rushmore in the Black Hills of South Dakota, we see the complex and specific design of the faces of four American presidents carved into the rock. Wind and erosion can produce predictable designs on some mountains, but not obvious, well-known human faces. History tells us that Gutzon Borglum carved the faces on Mt. Rushmore, but even if there were no record of these being sculpted, we would still know that someone designed them and made them. Likewise, the natural realm itself shows evidence of design. Key illustration: the earth. The fact that so many of the planet’s features had to be just right for complex life to exist indicates that a designer was at work. The combination and interworking of such features are far too complex for them to be the product of mere chance. For instance, for the earth to have life, it had to be just the right size—8,000 miles in diameter. If it were 9,500 miles in diameter, scientists have concluded it would double the weight of the air. Then there would be so much oxygen turning into water that it would cover the entire earth. None of the continents would have appeared, so there would be no land-based life—including us. The earth is just the right distance from the sun—93 million miles. If it were just 5 percent farther out from the sun, the earth would be too cold and mostly covered with ice. But if it were just a bit closer to the sun, it would be unbearably hot and the polar ice caps would melt, flooding the coasts. The earth also needs the right rotational speed. If it were just a little faster, the earth would not be warmed enough, freezing much of the surface. But if it were slower, the heat would be oppressive. It also needs just the right atmosphere—78 percent nitrogen and 21 percent oxygen, the precise amounts to sustain complex life. The earth also has the correct tilt—23.5 degrees—allowing us to have the four seasons and twice as much arable soil as a different tilt angle would provide. Even the moon is precisely the right size and distance from the earth for the tides to move the oceans around, keeping them clean and aerated. (To find more examples, read the book The Privileged Planet by Guillermo Gonzalez and Jay Richards, 2004.) L for Laws Where did the laws of the universe come from? They’re not matter or energy, but they govern how both operate. There is no intrinsic reason for the laws of nature to exist. In fact, these laws had to be created and in place when matter and energy appeared, or there would be total chaos. The laws of the universe require that a lawgiver calibrated them and set them into effect. Key illustration: gravity. Without this force that causes mass to attract other objects, life could not exist. And the intensity of all the forces must be in precise ratios to one another. The famous physicist Stephen Hawking stated: “The universe and the laws of physics seem to have been specifically designed for us. If any of about 40 physical qualities had more than slightly different values, life as we know it could not exist: Either atoms would not be stable, or they wouldn’t combine into molecules, or the stars wouldn’t form the heavier elements, or the universe would collapse before life could develop, and so on” (Austin American-Statesman, October 19, 1997). Who caused mass to affect its surroundings as it does to the degree that it does? Who made the other laws that must have been exquisitely designed and calibrated to work in total harmony? The logical answer: It must be an utterly supreme and all-powerful Intelligence. Y for Yield What does believing in God yield? Answer: positive results, especially in the long run! Key illustration: answered prayer. If there were no God, then prayers for supernatural intervention would never be answered. Yet there are so many examples of answered prayer all around us—of miraculous interventions that defy physical explanation. There are simply vast numbers of witnesses of this phenomenon, including this author. This should strengthen our faith in the fact that God exists and that He cares about what happens to us. Thus, proving that God exists is not a matter of blind faith—but of well-reasoned faith justified by hard evidence. For the evidence that there is a God is overwhelming! Remember these five key “GODLY” concepts and accompanying five illustrations to prove God’s existence even without the use of the Bible!   Na Kaunga kupitia JamiiForums kwa msaada wa NASA

TANZANIA LAND POLICY AND GENESIS OF LAND REFORM SUB – COMPONENT OF PRIVATE SECTOR COMPETITIVESS PROJECT.

1.1  Historical Context of Land Tenure:

Before colonialism landholding was based on customary laws of the different tribes inTanzania(in all 120). Title to the land was based on traditions and customs of respective tribes. Ownership of land was communal, owned by family, clan or tribe. Chiefs, headmen and elders had the powers of land administration in trust for the community. These powers continued through the colonial era though they were limited by the newly introduced German and later British land tenure system under which all lands were declared to be crown and public lands respectively. The customary land tenure is still in place, but since 1963 the chiefs, headmen and elders have been replaced by elected village councils.

Tanzaniawas under German colonial rule form 1884 to 1916 and British rule from 1917 to 1961. The country attained itsIndependencein 1961.

The Germans issued an Imperial Decree in 1985 which declared that all land, whether occupied or not was treated as unowned crown land and vested in the Empire, except claims of ownership by private persons, chiefs or native communities which could be proved. A distinction was made between claims and rights of occupancy. Claims were to be proved by documentary evidence while occupation by fact of cultivation and possession.In practice only settlers engaged in plantation agriculture such as sisal, coffee, rubber and cotton, etc, could prove their title and enjoyed security of tenure. The indigenous people could not prove ownership. Hence, they were left with permissive rights of occupancy.

The policy of the German colonial administration vacillated between plantation agriculture ran by settlers and African small peasant cultivation. Generally the policy favoured alienating land to the settlers by outright sale or lease. By the end of First World War some of the best lands in the highlands and farm amounting to 1,300,000 acres had been alienated to foreigners.

After the First World War Tanganyika became a Trust Territory under British Administration which by International Agreement was required to take into consideration native laws and customs in framing laws relating to the holding or transfer of land or natural resources and to respect the rights and safeguard the interests present and future of the native population. No native land or natural resources could be transferred to non – natives without prior consent of the competent authorities.

The British passed their major land tenure legislation in 1923 called the Land Ordinance Cap. 113 which declared all lands, whether occupied or unoccupied as public lands, except for the title or interest to land which had been lawfully acquired before the commencement of the Ordinance.

All public lands and interests were vested under the control of the Governor to the held for use and common benefits of the natives.

The new land law introduced a land tenure system called the Right of Occupancy which was either granted or deemed right. The granted right of occupancy was statutory while deemed right was customary which is a title of a native or a native community lawfully using or occupying land in accordance with native law and custom.

However, the deemed rights have never enjoyed the same security as the granted rights under the statute. In practice the customary rights were governed by administrative policy, while the granted rights were subject to legal stipulations. In the 44 years of British Rule, some 3.5 million acres were alienated from the native lands in favour of settlers (foreigners).

The approach of the colonial regimes to vest land in the State as the ultimate landlord is fundamental and was inherited unmodified by the independent Government of Tanganyika for 38 years. The basic principle of customary land tenure is that land is held for use, and as long as it is used, the occupier maintains control over it. The independent Tanzania Government maintained more or less the same colonial land policy and practices with some minor reforms till 1995. The land is vested in the President who holds the radical title.

1.2              National Land Policy 1995:

Since Tanzania attained its political independence in 1961, it has been realized that there was a need to develop a coherent and comprehensive land policy that would define the land tenure and enable proper management and allocation of land in the urban and rural areas and provide a clear position on customary land tenure in the light of profound economic and social reforms that have been undertaken in the last 34 years. Thus a new land policy was needed to:

a)             Accommodate changes in land use and increase in human population;

b)            Control large stock population which increases demand for grazing land and creates serious land degradation;

c)            Protect the environment from extension of cultivation to marginal areas;

d)            Reduce conflicts in landuse between agriculturalists, livestock keepers, forest areas, wildlife areas, water sources and miners;

e)            Provide for increased urbanization requiring lands for settlements, industries and commerce and preserve valuable agriculture land;

f)             Facilitate prospective investors who require land as a result of liberalization of the economy and investment promotion;

g)            Regularise and confirm the effects of the villagisation programme, the Operation Vijiji (1973 – 1976) on customary land tenure;

h)            Protect individual land rights under a pluralistic political system since 1992 and

i)              AccommodateAppeal Courtdecision affirming customary land tenure rights of the local people.

The fundamental principles of the new national land policy have been incorporated in the new land Laws – Land Act No.4 and Village Land Act No.5 passed by Parliament in 1999. The new Land Laws have now become operational since May, 2001.

The entrenched fundamental principles of the new Land Laws are:

(i)           To recognize that all land inTanzaniais public land vested in the President as trustee on behalf of all citizens;

(ii)         To ensure that existing rights in land and recognized long standing occupation or use of land are clarified and secured by the law;

(iii)       To facilitate an equitable distribution of and access to land by all citizens;

(iv)       To regulate the amount of land that any one person or corporate body may occupy or use;

(v)          To ensure that land is used productively and that any such use complies with the principles of sustainable development;

(vi)                   To pay full, fair and prompt compensation to any person whose right of occupancy or long standing occupation or customary use of land is revoked or interfered with to their detriment by the State or is acquired;

(vii)                 To provide for an efficient, effective, economical or transparent system of land adjudication;

(viii)               To enable all citizens to participate in decision making on matters connected with their occupation or use of land;

(ix)                   To facilitate and regulate the operation of a market in land so as to ensure that rural and urban small holders and pastoralists are not disadvantaged;

(x)                     To set out rules of land law accessibly and in a manner which can be readily understood by all citizens;

(xi)                   To establish an independent expeditious and just system for the adjudication of land disputes which will hear and determine cases without undue delay;

(xii)                 To encourage the dissemination of information about land administration of information about land administration and land law through programmes of public and adult education using all forms of media; and

(xiii)               The right of every adult woman to acquire, hold, use deal in land shall to the same extent and subject to the same restrictions be treated as a right of any adult man.

The new land policy and laws represent a turning point in the development ofTanzania. The implementation of the new land laws will give substantive push to Government economic and social development objectives under the liberalized free market economy and poverty eradication strategy and the realization of the National Development Vision 2025.

The current situation with regard to ownership, control and management of land inTanzaniais that:

a)             The radical Title is vested in the President as trustee for and on behalf of all citizens ofTanzania.

b)                  For the purposes of management only, all land is classified as general land, Village lands and reserve land. The President has powers to transfer land from one category to another. Reserve lands are forests, wildlife areas, etc. which constitute 28% of all lands. Village lands are all lands that fall under the jurisdiction of existing registered 10,832 villages in the country which constitutes nearly 70% of all lands. The rest are mostly urban lands and those already under granted titles;

c)                  The Commissioner for Lands is the sole authority responsible for overall administration of all lands, but has delegated his powers to authorized land officers at district/municipal level. The Village Councils manage all village lands with advice from the Commissioner for Lands. The reserved land are managed by statutory bodies.

1.3              Preparation and Completion of the Strategic Plan.

There are many activities in these Laws which are required to be implemented, but since resources are scarce and to plan is to choose, the Ministry of Lands realized in 2003 that it was necessary to determine the prioritization, sequencing, phasing and costing of activities over short, medium and long-term periods. Hence, a group of eminent Consultants was engaged in March, 2004 to prepare a Strategic Plan and identify the priorities for implementation. This was done through a participatory process of stakeholder field consultations and validation in Tanzania Mainland.

The objective of Preparation of Strategic Plan was to design and develop a strategic framework for the land sector to implement the Land Act No.4 and Village Land Act No.5 of 1999, the Land Disputes Courts (Tribunals) Act No.2 of 2002 and the (Amendments) Act No.2 of 2004 (Mortgages) over the medium (3 years) and long (10 years) term period to contribute to the achievement of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS 2000) priority sectors especially agriculture and now the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP) or MKUKUTA. The Strategic Plan is aimed at maximizing the contribution of the Land Sector and the Land Acts to the Government of Tanzania (GOT) priority sectors and policy goals. It will promote increased security of land tenure and enhance the productivity and profitability of the agriculture sector as explained in the Agriculture Sector Development

Strategy and Agriculture Sector Programme (ASDP 2003). The ASDP calls for commercialization of agriculture, identification, demarcation and survey of agricultural and livestock investment zones by the Ministry of Lands in collaboration with the Local Government Authorities (LGAS) in a phased manner according to land use plans.

The Preparation of Strategic Plan for Implementation of New Land Laws (SPILL) 1999 was completed in April, 2005 by the Consultants, engaged by the Ministry of Lands with the financial support of the European Commission. Preparation of Strategic Plan involved key stakeholder consultations and validation of a scientifically selected representative sample of 66 Villages, 15 Districts, 14 Regions and 4 Ministries of Tanzania Mainland, taking into consideration the existing economic, social, ecological, geographic and cultural diversity of the country.

The finalisation of Preparation of the Strategic Plan included organization of a One-day National Workshop of 158 Key Stakeholders in March, 2005 inDar es Salaam. After the Plan was approved a Three-day Internalisation Workshop of the Ministry of Lands 30 top Management was conducted in Bagamoyo in April to enable the Management to understand and own, adopt and sustainably implement the approved Strategic Plan.

1.4               A Brief Review of Strategic Plan (SPILL).

The Key interventions under SPILL, with the priorities assigned by SPILL shown as high (H), medium (M) and Low (L), and grouped into the three land categories set out in the Land Act No. 4 of 1999 (village, general and reserve land) are:

a)                  Village Land.

1). Curbing sources of land conflict (H).

2). Instituting lower or minimum limits on land holding (H).

3). Increasing the number of surveyed villages and delivering Certificates of customary right of occupation (CCRO) (H).

4). Conceiving and introducing a national village resettlement scheme (M).

5). Setting up Village Land Councils and other Land Courts (H).

b)                   General Land.

6). Regularise tenure and introduce social services (M, L).

7). Undertake cadastral surveys in urban areas whilst addressing the issue of property rights in

unplanned areas (M).

c)                   Reserve Land.

8). Delineate the boundaries of conservation areas, game reserves and national parks (M).

d)                  All Lands

9). Removing discrimination of vulnerable groups through affirmative action (H).

10). Develop land information systems in District land offices (M).

11). Expand, empower and facilitate the National Council of Professional Surveyors (H).

12). Provide public education (H, M).

13). Provide national mapping infrastructure (geodetic network); conduct topographic mapping (H,M).

14) Produce participatory land use plans at all levels (H,M).

15). Develop a modern land administration infrastructure in both  Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development (MLHHSD) and Prime Ministers Office, Regional Administration and Local Governments (PMO – RALG) (H,M).

16. Challenge and influence the institutions of higher learning to change the Curriculum and run well tailored short courses (M).

17). Decentralise land administration support services within  MLHHSD and hive off non – regulatory functions (H,M).

18). Amend legislation to provide harmony in land sector laws  (H, M).

19). Form the National Land Advisory Council as a cross – sector  organization (H).

20). Establish District Compensation Funds and agree on a source of funding (M, L).

21). Establish a forum for the interaction of public and private sectors (M, L).

22). Enforce land development conditions on delivered land parcels (no priority assigned).

The total cost of Implementation of SPILL was estimated at 300 billion shillings or US $ 300 million over a 10 year period.

1.5   Review of Recent Pilot Experiences.

(a)               Property Register for Unplanned Urban Settlements in Dar es Salaam.

It is estimated that there are 400,000 plots of unplanned housing inDar es Salaam. This is a two year project commenced in 2004/05 with the objective of gathering data for all unplanned plots, issuing Residential Licences under Section 23 of the Land Act and building a Computer Register of the properties in the three (3) Local Government Authorities of Ilala, Kinondoni and Temeke. The project uses high resolution satellite imagery to produce mapping at a scale of 1:1,500. This image is used to identify properties and natural and manmade features. Data on the properties is gathered on the ground using questionnaires. The data includes household characteristics such as income and expenditure, housing conditions, services, etc. This data is entered into a computer where it is integrated with the maps in Geographic Information System (GIS) using Arc View Software. Public Awareness Campaigns are conducted and residents are encouraged to apply for Residential Licences. In Ilala Municipal Council todate 16,830 Residential Licences have been issued, 12,929 to males (73%) and 3,911 to female (23%).

In Kinondoni Municipal Councils a total of 17,422 Residental Lincences have been issued, 13,551 to males (72%) and 4,871 to females (28%). To date the project has mapped 220,000 properties and issued 47,000 Residential Licences. In Ilala District eleven (11) it property owners have obtained Bank Credit using their Residential Lincences and in Kinondoni 3. It is also reported that Savings and Credit Cooperative Societies (SACCOs) are providing credit to their members using the Residential Licences and even private rich individuals are reported to be advancing credit to residential Licence holders at interest of 16% compared to bank interest rate of 22%. The Residential Licences are also used as security for University students Loans and as surety for court bails.The cost of this activity is US $ 6.1 million.

(b)               Pilot Village Land Certification in Mbozi.

PilotVillageCertification in Mbozi District was started in 1999 as practical efforts to implement Village Land Act No 5 of 1999. The Village Land Act and its Regulation 2001 represent a new experience forTanzaniaand there is limited international experience to draw upon. Aerial photography was used in 2001 to map village boundaries and identify individual land parcels.

Todate in Mbozi District the boundaries of all 175 Villages have been surveyed and 158 have been issued with Certificates of Village Land (CVL). A total number of 1,117 Certificates of Customary Rights (CCROs) have been issued to 765 males (68.5%), 42 to Females (3.8%) and 310 jointly (27.8%). Five (5) persons have obtained loans from credit institutions using their CCROs.

So far the Mbozi Pilot experience has been extended to ten (10) Districts: Iringa 40 Villages, Handeni 6 Villages, Kilindi 10 Villages, Babati 5 Villages, Monduli 49 Villages, Kiteto 6, Kilolo 9 Villages,NamtumboVillages, Ngorongoro 1 Village, and Muleba 2 Villages. All these Villages have been issued with Certificates of Village Land (CVL), and by June 2006, 1,088 CCROs have been issued in these Villages. The estimated cost of this activity is US $ 3.6 million.

(c)                Dispute Resolution Mechanism.

Under the Land Dispute Courts Act No.2 of 2002 and Regulations G.N. 174 of 2003, Land Tribunals have been established in 23 Districts since October, 2004 and the High Court Land Division is also in place. By April, 2006, 5,583 cases had been filed in the Land Tribunals and 2,632 have been decided, 2,951 cases are pending. Most disputes are about ownership of land, land boundaries, non – payment of house rents, inheritance of land/houses, etc. The estimated cost of this activity is US $ 5. 5 million.

(d)               Land Registration and Land Information.

Most property rights in Land inTanzaniaare not documented or mapped to facilitate land transactions because only 150,000 land parcels are registered. Registration of land in rural areas under customary land only commenced with the Mbozi Pilot District in 2004. Consequently 90% of Tanzanians cannot be located through the property registration system which would allow them to gain access to collateral – based credit and exercise their rights as contracting parties and citizens. The land registration procedures are slow, costly and expensive for firms, private individuals and the poor. It requires prior authorisition from Government land Registrars, Valuers and Land Officers. Property is not readily liquid. It is also difficult to mobilize, transfer, combine, divide or leverage land into credit and capital.

The Land Information and data are scattered in the Ministry of Lands, Local Government Authorities and Village Councils. There is no coherent system for collection, storage and retrieval of land information. It is therefore proposed to re-engineer the existing land registration and information system and produce new streamlined procedure and data system. The estimated cost of this activity is US $ 4.9 million.

(e)                Geodetic Network and Mapping.

Tanzaniahas only a skeleton geodetic network dating from the colonial era and most maps of scale 1:50,000 are outdated. Hence, it necessary to establish a new primary geodetic framework for MainlandTanzania. It is also planned to establish two continuous GPS Stations (CGPS). A Primary network with 50 kilometre spacing with 400 points will be established. Maps in 15 Project Districts will be revised and updated at a scale of 1:50,000 using satellite imagery: The estimated cost of this activity is US $ 7.5 million.

(f)                 Capacity Building (Training of Staff)

About 25 technical and professional staff involved in the implementation will receive training including in- house training,LocalUniversitiesand Colleges and in International Universities. The estimated cost for this activity is US $ 2.4 million

1.6              Land Reform Project Identification.

The preparation of SPILL was at the behest of Development Partners especially the World Bank and the European Commission whose primary interest is the implementation of the Agricultural Sector Development Strategy (ASDS) and Programme (ASDP). Since agricultural activities take place on the land, it was necessary to ensure that the new Land Policy and Laws are implemented to facilitate agricultural development.

Local people have to be provided with equitable and secure access to Land and to make easier for investors to access and use land. Time take to allocate and register land rights and subsequent dealings in those rights and land disputes must be reduced.

After the completion of SPILL in April 2005, a World Bank Land Expert in June, 2005 identified Seven (7) potential Land projects, for implementation of SPILL. They are Land Registration and Land Information, Geodetic Network and Mapping, Implementation of Village Land Act, House Registration in Unplanned Urban Settlements, Dispute Resolution Mechanism,CapacityBuildingand Survey of 20,000 plots inDar es salaambecause it involved displacement and resettlement of population.

In August 2005 a World Bank Consultant came toTanzaniato design the Land Reform Project, but dropped Plot Survey inDar es Salaam.

A Land Reform Project costing US $ 30 million was proposed. In October/November, 2005 the World Bank and Government of Tanzania held negotiations and agreed on a Project Appraisal Document (PAD) where the Land Reform was made an integral part of a Basket Fund under the Private Sector Competitiveness Project (PSCP) costing a total of US $ 95 million. The purpose of PSCP is to create sustainable conditions for enterprise creation, growth and innovation which respond to market opportunities.

It is hoped the Project will lend to the development of a healthy and competitive domestic private sector, measured in the number of new businesses, growth of existing businesses and increasing formalization of informal businesses. This will reduce the cost of doing business and increase the capacity of local private sector participation in domestic and internal markets.

The Implementation of the Six Activities over the next 5 years starting from 2006/07 to 2011/2012 will have a big impact on the land Sector. It will enhance the security of Land in the 15 Project district, and in unplanned areas in major cities, resolve land disputes, provide base maps for land use planning, provide a more efficient land registration system and land information, enhance Local and Cetral Government revenues accruing from land, etc.

1.7              The Major Land Issues in Tanzania and Strategies for their Resolution.

The major land issues in Tanzania are:

a)                  Lack of adequate security of tenure for majority of rural and urban people. In Urban areas 70% live in unplanned settlements besieged by health hazards and insecurity.

b)                        Conflicts of Land Use in rural areas especially between farmers and livestock keepers and persistent land disputes as a result of rapid expansion of towns encroaching on surrounding farming areas, tenurial conflicts between customary and granted Land rights.

c)            Land degradation and destruction of water sources.

d)            Absence of adequate and coordinated Land Information.

e)                  Inadequate human, institutional and infrastructural capital.

The Strategies for dealing with issues are:

a)                  Rural, Village and urban topographical mapping.

b)                  Urban and Rural Land Use Planning, demarcating land for different uses.

c)                  Cadastral surveying of Urban plots and farm parcels in the Villages.

d)                  Titling and Registration of Urban andVillageLandParcels.

e)                  Decentralization of Land delivery to Local Levels – Local Government Authorities and Village Councils. There are 5 cities, 16 Municipal Councils, 4 Town Councils, 90 Township Authorities and 10,000 registered villages inTanzania(Village Councils).

f)            CapacityBuilding.

There is acute shortage of qualified and experienced technical and professional staff such as Land Surveyors, Valuers, Land Officers, Town Planners especially in Local Government Authorities.Mapping is critical to land delivery and land use planning. Yet its an area where the Government of Tanzania and most development partners don’t want to venture because its costly. This is a dilemma. Mapping of Land should be treated as part of provision of national infrastructure just like roads, water, electricity, railways, ports, airports, etc because without maps even the infrastructure services cannot be planned and built.

Ramani ya Tunisia

Leo ni Jumamosi tarehe 4 Rajab mwaka 1433 Hijria, inayosadifiana na terehe 26 Mei mwaka 2012 Miladia.
Siku kama ya leo miaka 131 iliyopita Ufaransa ilianza kuikoloni nchi ya Tunisia. Kabla ya hapo Wafaransa walikuwa wamejiingiza nchini humo kupitia shughuli za kiuchumi na kibiashara.

Kwa miaka kadhaa Tunisia iliendelea kuungwa mkono na Ufaransa. Hata hivyo katika kipindi cha muongo wa 1930 Miladia, zilianza harakati za kudai uhuru zilizoongozwa na Habib Bourguiba na mwaka 1957 Miladia utawala wa kifalme uliokuwa ukiongoza Tunisia uling’olewa na Habib Bourguiba akawa rais wa nchini hiyo.

Bourguiba aliiongoza nchi hiyo kwa udikteta na mabavu hadi kufikia mwaka 1987, ambapo aling’olewa madarakani na Zainul Abidin Ben Ali aliyekuwa mkuu wa polisi kipindi hicho. Hata hivyo baada ya Ben Ali kutwaa madaraka aliendeleza siasa zilezile za udikteta wa Bourguiba katika kuiongoza Tunisia hali iliyowapelekea wananchi wa nchi hiyo kushindwa kuvumilia na mwezi Juni 2011 naye akang’olewa madarakani na wananchi hao, ambapo alikimbilia Saudi Arabia.

Miaka 841 iliyopita mwafaka na siku hii ya leo, alifariki dunia malenga wa Kiislamu Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al-Wasiti maarufu kwa jina la Ibn Muallim. Alizaliwa mwaka 501 Hijiria. Mashairi ya malenga huyo yalibeba ujumbe wa maadili na tabia njema na masuala mengine yahusuyo jamii huku mengine yakihusiana na maudhui za irfani.

Athari pekee ya Ibn Muallim ni kitabu cha tungo za mashairi ya malenga huyo.
Na siku kama ya leo miaka 22 iliyopita, alifariki dunia akiwa na umri wa miaka 96 mtafiti, mwandishi na mwanasaikolojia dakta Ali Akbar Siasi.

Alizaliwa mjini Tehran mwaka 1273 Hijiria Shamsia na baada ya kumaliza masomo yake aliekea Ufaransa. Baada ya Ali Akbar Siasi kupata shahada ya udakta katika chuo kikuu cha mjini Paris alirejea nchini Iran. Alipata kuwa Waziri wa Utamaduni na Mkuu wa Chuo Kikuu cha Tehran.

Miongoni mwa athari za msomi huyo ni pamoja na kitabu kiitwacho “Ilmun Nafsi, au Ravan Shenasi Jadid”, “Ravan Shenasi Parvareshi”, “Mabani Falsafeh”, “Ilmu Akhlaq” na “Mantik Ravan Shenasi.”

Kwa miaka mingi watanzania tumekuwa tukijadili mengi juu ya Muungano, lakini hatukupata fursa pana ya kuujadili Mkataba wa Muungano huo yaani (Articles of Union) uliosainiwa na Mwalimu J.K Nyerere na ndugu Abeid A.Karume. Haijapita miaka mitatu tangu baadhi ya wazanzibar walipoadhimia kuupata mkataba huu wakaambiwa hauonekani, na nadhani wakajaribu waupate kule United Nations ila sikumbuki  waliambiwaje huko. Tundu Lissu mwaka jana 2011 alipowasilisha Hotuba ya Kambi ya Upinzani alielezea dai la Serikali ya Tanganyika lakini akatamka wazi kuwa “hatutaki kuona picha za Nyerere na Karume wakichanganya udongo, tunataka Mkataba wa Muungano”. Leo tena, nawaletea Mkataba wa Muungano yaani Articles of Union. Wapo wanaosema Mkataba huu ndiyo mama wa katiba zetu mbili yaani ya Muungano na ya Zanzibar. Wapo wanaosema yale mambo 11 ya Muungano yameongezwa kadhaa. Sasa mkataba huu tuuone ukweli wake. Ni nafasi yetu leo wanamang’amuzi, tuendelee kuoyesha kuwa sisi ni  alama ya machipuko ya fikra huru na hata vilivyojificha nyuma ya ukinza wa maovu, tuna uwezo wa kuvifurumua vikawekwa hadharani. Mkataba: MKATABA WA MUUNGANO BAINA YA JAMHURI YA TANGANYIKA NA JAMHURI YA WATU WA ZANZIBAR Kwa kuwa Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar zinafahamu uhusiano wa muda mrefu watu wake na mshikamano na kukuza uhusiano huo na kuimarisha mshikamano na kukuza umoja wa watu wa Afrika, zimekutana na kutafakari Muungano wa Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar. Na kwa kuwa Serikali za Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar, zinapendelea ya kwamba Jamhuri hizi mbili ziungane kuwa Jamhuri moja huru moja kwa amasharti ya makubaliano yafuatayo: Kwa hiyo IMEKUBALIWA baina ya Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na ya Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar kama ifuatavyo:- I) Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na Jamhuri ya watu wa Zanzibar zitaungana na kuwa Jamhuri huru moja. II) Katika kipindi cha kuanza kwa Muungano mpaka Baraza la Kutunga katiba lililotajwa katika ibara ya (vii) litakapokutana na kupitisha katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano (Kuanzia hapa kitaitwa kipindi cha mpito), Jamhuri ya Muungano itaongozwa kwa masharti ya ibara ya (iii) mpaka ya (vi). III) Katika kipindi cha mpito katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano itakuwa katiba ya Tanganyika iliyorekebishwa ili kuweka: a) Chombo tofauti cha kutunga sheria na Serikali kwa ajili ya Zanzibar kwa mujibu wa sheria zilizopo za Zanzibar na vitakuwa na mamlaka ya mwisho katika Zanzibar kwa mambo yote isipokuwa yale tu yaliyo chini ya bunge na Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano b) Nafasi ya makamo wawili wa Rais mmoja kati yao akiwa ni mkaazi wa Zanzibar atakuwa ndiye kiongozi wa Serikali iliyotajwa kwa ajili ya Zanzibar na atakuwa ndiye msaidizi mkuu wa rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano katika utekelezaji wa kazi za Serikali kwa upande wa Zanzibar. c) Uwakilishi wa Zanzibar katika bunge la Jamhuri ya Muungano. d) Mambo mengine yatayofaa au kuhitajika ili kuipa nguvu Jamhuri ya Muungano na mkataba huu. IV) Mambo yafuatayo yatakuwa chini ya bunge na Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano:- 1) Katiba na Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano 2) Mambo ya nchi za nje 3) Ulinzi 4) Polisi 5) Mamlaka yanayohusika na hali ya hatari 6) Uraia 7) Uhamiaji 8) Mikopo na biashara ya nchi za nje 9) Utumishi katika Jamhuri ya Muungano. 10) Kodi ya mapato inayolipwa na watu binafsi na mashirika, ushuru wa forodha na ushuru wa bidhaa zinazotengenezwa nchini na kusimamiwa na idara ya forodha 11) Bandari, mambo yanayohusu usafiri wa anga, Posta na Simu V) Bunge na Serikali vilivyotajwa vitakuwa na mamlaka ya mwisho juu ya mambo yote yahusuyo Jamhuri ya Muungano na kuongezea mamlaka juu ya mambo yote yahusuyo Tanganyika. Sheria zote zilizopo za Tanganyika na za Zanzibar zitaendelea kutumika katika maeneo yao bila kuathiri:- a) Masharti yoyote yatakayowekwa na chombo chenye mamlaka ya kutunga sheria. b) Masharti yatakayowekwa kwa amri ya Rais wa Zanzibar juu ya sheria yoyote inayohusu jambo lolote lililotajwa kwenye ibara ya (iv), na kufuta sheria yoyote inayolingana Zanzibar. c) Mabadiliko yoyote kama yataonekana yanafaa au kuhitajika ili kufanikisha Muungano na mkataba huu. a) Rais wa kwanza wa Jamhuri ya Muungano atakuwa ni Mwalimu J. K. Nyerere na ataongoza Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano kwa kufuata masharti ya mkataba hu na kwa kusaidiwa na maofisa wengine atakaowateuwa toka Tanganyika na Zanzibar na watumishi wa Serikali zao. b) Makamo wa kwanza wa Rais kutoka Zanzibar aliyeteuliwa kwa kufuata marekebisho kama yalivyoelezwa na ibara ya 3, atakuwa Sheikh Abeid Karume. VI) Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano kwa kukubaliana na Makamo wa Rais ambaye ni kiongozi wa serikali ya Zanzibar a) Atateua tume kwa ajili ya kutoa mapendekezo kwa ajili ya katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano. b) Ataitisha Baraza la kutunga katiba ikiwa na wawakilishi kutoka Tanganyika na Zanzibar katika idadi itakayoamuliwa likutane katika kipindi cha mwaka mmoja tokea kuanza kwa muungano kwa madhumuni ya kutafakarimapendekezo ya tume iliyotajwa juu na kupitisha katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano. VII) Mkataba huu utahitaji kuthibitishwa kwa kutungiwa sheria na Bunge la Tanganyika na Baraza la Mapinduzi la Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar kwa kushirikiana na Baraza lake la Mawaziri, na mkataba kupitishwa na kuundwa kwa serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano na ya Zanzibar kwa kufuata masharti yaliyokubaliwa. KWA KUSHUHUDIA HAPA Julius K. Nyerere, Rais wa Jamhuri ya Tanganyika na abeid Karume, Rais wa Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar, wametia saini nakala mbili za mkataba huu, hapa Zanzibar siku ya tarehe Ishirini na mbili ya mwezi Aprili, 1964. ……………………………………………………………………………… ……………………. Umepitishwa na Bunge siku ya tarehe Ishirini na Tano ya Aprili, 1964. ……………………………………………………………………………… ……………………. Pius Msekwa, Karani wa Bunge ……………………………………………………………………………… ……………………. Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Spika 25 Aprili 1964 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx SOURCE: 1: {THE PATNERSHIP, ISBN: 9789987880553, pg. 156, Author: Aboud Jumbe, } 2: {Zanzibar hadi mwaka 2000: ISBN: 9789987898015, pg. 201, Author: Ali Shaaban Juma}   MAMBO 11 YANAYOTAJWA KUONGEZWA MIAKA YA KARIBUNI KINYEMELA NI: 12.Mambo yote yanayohusika na sarafu na fedha kwa ajili ya malipo yote halali (pamoja na noti); mabenki (pamoja mabenki ya kuweka akiba) na shughuli zote za mabenki; fedha za kigeni na usimamizi juu ya mambo yanayohusika na fedha za kigeni. 13. Leseni ya viwanda na takwimu. 14. Elimu ya juu. 15. Maliasili ya mafuta, pamoja na mafuta yasiyochujwa ya motokaa na mafuata ya aina ya petroli na aina nyinginezo za mafuta au bidhaa, na gesi asilia. 16.Baraza la Taifa la Mitihani la Tanzania na mambo yote yanayohusika na kazi za Baraza hilo. 17.Usafiri na usafirishaji wa anga. 18.Utafiti. 19.Utafiti wa hali ya hewa. 20.Takwimu. 21.Mahakama ya Rufani ya Jamhuri ya Muungano. 22.Uandikishaji wa Vyama vya siasa na Mambo mengine yanayohusiana navyo.  

The United States believes a Chinese firm sold North Korea components for a missile transporter showcased in a recent military parade and will press Beijing to tighten enforcement of a U.N. ban on such military sales, a U.S. official said on Saturday.

The Obama administration suspects the Chinese manufacturer sold the chassis – not the entire vehicle – and may have believed it was for civilian purposes, which means it would not be an intentional violation of U.N. sanctions, the senior official said.

But such a sale – coming to light amid tensions over a failed North Korean rocket launch earlier this month – raises concerns in Washington on whether China is making enough of an effort to abide by the prohibition on weapons sales to Pyongyang.

The New York Times first reported on U.S. findings about the origin of parts of the transporter launcher system – essentially a large truck on top of which a missile is mounted – displayed in a parade in Pyongyang on Sunday.

The newspaper said the administration suspected the Chinese manufacturer involved in the transaction was Hubei Sanjiang. The official, who confirmed details of the administration’s thinking on the matter, said the firm likely sold the part to a front company that was used to mask the buyer’s true identity.

Beijing, reclusive North Korea’s only major ally, has denied it has broken any rules, although a modern, eight-axle missile transporter spotted in the military parade to celebrate the founder of North Korea was said by some western military experts to be of Chinese design and possibly origin.

Defense Secretary Leon Panetta told U.S. lawmakers on Thursday that China has provided some assistance to North Korea’s missile program, but he said he did not know the “exact extent of that.”

The White House plans to convey its concerns to China and use the incident to ratchet up pressure on Beijing to tighten enforcement of international sanctions on North Korea, the U.S. official said. It was unclear, however, exactly how such a complaint would be lodged.

Under United Nations Security Council resolutions from 2006 and 2009, states including China are banned from helping North Korea with its ballistic missile program, its nuclear activities as well as supplying heavy weapons.

TENSIONS AFTER ROCKET LAUNCH

Pyongyang has said it was ready to retaliate in the face of widespread condemnation of its failed rocket launch, increasing the likelihood the isolated state will go ahead with a third nuclear test.

After last week’s launch, which the United States said was a disguised long-range missile test, the Obama administration responded by suspending a food aid deal with North Korea. Pyongyang insists the launch was meant to put a satellite into orbit.

Obama had pressed Chinese President Hu Jintao at a global nuclear security summit in Seoul last month to use its influence to get Pyongyang to cancel the launch. But administration officials had doubted Beijing, an increasingly assertive U.S. rival in the Asia-Pacific region, would act forcefully enough.

China has called for “dialogue and communication” as tensions with North Korea mount and reiterated its long-standing call for a return to regional denuclearization talks that have been stalled for years.

Panetta was asked during testimony before the House of Representatives Armed Services Committee whether China had been supporting North Korea’s missile program through “trade and technology exchanges.”

He declined to give details but said, “Clearly there’s been assistance along those lines.”

Panetta said there was “no question” North Korea’s efforts to develop long-range missile and nuclear weapon capability were a threat to the United States. “For that reason we take North Korea and their provocative actions very seriously,” he said.

“And China ought to be urging them to engage in those kinds of … diplomatic negotiations. We thought we were making some progress and suddenly we’re back at provocation,” he added.

(Reporting By Matt Spetalnick; Editing by Vicki Allen)

 Na Mwanakijiji wa JamiiForums.com

Kuamua kushiriki mchakato huu wa “mabadiliko ya Katiba” kama ulivyoanzishwa na kusimamiwa na Chama cha Mapinduzi ni kukubali matokeo ya mchakato huo na hivyo kuupa uhalali ambao ninaamini kabisa hauna. Mchakato huu umekubaliwa – kwa bahati mbaya sana – na wanasiasa wa chama tawala na wale wa upinzani na sasa unasubiriwa uanze kufanya kazi baada ya tume ya kusimamia mchakato huo kuteuliwa. Hivi sasa tume hiyo inasubiri kuapishwa. Mchakato huu haufai kwa Katiba Mpya Nimeandika mara kadhaa huko nyuma tangu mswada wa kwanza wa sheria ya kusimamia mchakato huu ulipopendekezwa kuwa mchakato mzima unavunja kanuni ya msingi kabisa ya kuandika Katiba Mpya yaani “Ukuu wa Watu” (Supremacy of the people). Kwa kuangalia mijadala mbalimbali ambayo tumekuwa nayo naweza kusema pasi ya shaka kuwa mojawapo ya dhana ambazo hazijaeleweka sana na ndio msingi wa kuvurugwa kabisa kwa mchakato huu toka mwanzo ni ile ya “sovereignty”. Katika kijitabu changu kidogo cha “An Assault on Popular Sovereignty” nikielezea kukosewa kwa mchakato huu ulioanzishwa na rais Kikwete nimeeleza tu kuwa dhana ya “sovereignty” haijaeleweka vizuri na matokeo yake wananchi hawajui kuwa wao ndio “sovereign”. Mara nyingi tunapozungumzia “sovereignty” watu wanafikiria kwa minajili ya “sovereignty ya nchi” yaani “mamlaka kuu ya nchi huru kujitawala na kujiamualia mambo yake ambapo juu yake hakuna mamlaka nyingine”. Katika nchi ya kidemokrasia maana ya pili na kubwa zaidi ya “sovereignty” au kwa jina la Kiswahili hakimiya ni ule uwezo wa watu kuwa chanzo cha utawala wao na ambao juu yao hakuna mwingine. Kuelewa hili nimeelezea kwenye kijitabu kile kuwa kwenye nchi zenye wafalme (monarchs) hao wafalme ndio mamlaka ya mwisho ya kutawala ambapo juu yake hakuna nyingine. Zipo nchi chache ambazo zina wale wanaitwa “wafalme kabisa” (absolute monarchs) na nyingi ni wafalme ambao wamegawa baadhi ya madaraka yao. King Mswati ni miongoni mwa wafalme wachache ambao wanaukuu katika kila jambo na Malkia Elizabeth II ni mfano wa wale ambao wamegawanya madaraka yao. Hawa utaona wanatambulishwa na kujulikana kuwa ni “Sovereign” na watu wao kwa kweli wanaitwa “Subjects” kwa sababu ni watu walio chini yao. Katika nchi ya kidemokrasia ya mfumo wa kijamhuru (republican democracies) watawala siyo Sovereign! Iwe nchi inaongozwa na Rais au Waziri Mkuu viongozi hao hawawi juu ya wananchi kama wafalme walivyo juu ya watu wao. Katika nchi hii ya kidemokrasia ya mfumo huo wa kijamhuri basi wananchi ndio wenye madaraka ya mwisho ya kutawala. Tanzania ni mfano wa nchi kama hiyo. Watanzania wote ndio wenye “Sovereignty” Watanzania wote kama jamii moja ndio wenye hakimiya yote. Ibara ya 8:1a ya Katiba yetu inasema vizuri sana juu ya hili na bahati mbaya sana kwenye Kiswahili hili linapotea. Tafsiri ya Kiingereza ya Katiba yetu inasema “sovereignity resides in the people and it is from the people that the Government through this Constitution shall derive all its power and authority;” Bahati mbaya kwenye tafsir ya Kiswahili ya kipengele hicho kuna maneno yanapotea na hivyo kuwanyima Watanzania kujielewa wao ni nani hasa mbele ya watawala wao na ndio msingo wa mimi kupinga kabisa mchakato huu ulivyo sasa kwani unavunja msingi wa Ibara hii. Aya hiyo kwenye Kiswahili inasema hivi: “wananchi ndio msingi wa mamlaka yote, na Serikali itapata madaraka na mamlaka yake yote kutoka kwa wananchi kwa mujibu wa Katiba hii”. Kwa mtu yeyote anayejua lugha ya Kiingereza na ile ya Kiswahili ni rahisi kuona kuwa vipengele hivyo viwili haviwezi kuwa vinatafsiriana – “sovereignty resides in the people” siyo sawana “wananchi ndio msingi wa mamlaka yote”. Hili ni jambo la msingi sana kwangu katika kupinga mchakato huu kwani mchakato huu umefanya “sovereignty belongs to the President” na kuwa “Rais ndio msingi wa mamlaka yote”! Ndio maana sheria nzima ilivyoandikwa hata baada ya mabadiliko imemzunguka Rais! Rais anateua, Rais anaapisha, Rais anapewa taarifa n.k.! HILI NI JAMBO LA KWANZA LA KUTUFANYA TUUPINGE MCHAKATO HUU NA NDIO KANUNI AMBAYO HOJA ZINAZOFUATIA ZINASIMAMA. Mchakato usioheshimu ukuu wa wananchi kama ndio wenye hakimiya yote ni mchakato batili haijalishi unaimbiwa nyimbo gani, za namna gani na kina nani za kuusifia. Uteuzi wa Wajumbe wote ni kinyume na kanuni ya hapo juu Kwa vile madaraka na haki zote za kutawala (hakimiya a.k.a sovereignty) basi sheria ya kusimamia wajumbe wa Tume na hata wa Baraza la kutunga sheria ingezingatia ukweli huu. Kwa mfano, inakuwaje wabunge ambao wamechaguliwa kufanya uwakilishi na kutunga sheria wawe wote wajumbe wa baraza la kutunga Katiba? Kimsingi kabisa, kila taasisi ambayo ingetaka kuwa na wawakilishi kwenye baraza la kutunga katiba ingepaswa kupewa uwezekano huo bila kuonesha upendeleo wa wazi. Rais ambacho angeruhusiwa kufanya ni kuunda Sekretariati tu ya Baraza hilo bila kuteua tume au wajumbe wa baraza hilo; hilo lingekuwa kazi ya baraza la kutunga katiba. Binafsi naamini tungekuwa na baraza kwanza la kutunga Katiba na kutoka humo ndani ndio wajumbe wa TUme wangepatikana. Wajumbe hao wangeapishwa mbele ya baraza hilo na wangetakiwa kutoa taarifa zao kwa baraza hilo. Baraza ndilo lingekuwa lina exercise “sovereignty” yetu kama wananchi kwa sababu tunachoandika ni Katiba yetu. Hata kama ingebidi Rais ahusike basi kungeweka utaratibu wenye kuzingatia kanuni hii ya msingi ya “people’s sovereignty” Lingepaswa kuwa baraza kubwa zaidi lenye wajumbe wengi zaidi kuliko hili ambalo limependekezwa na mchakato huu. Lengo ni kulifanya kuwa la kuhusisha watu wengi zaidi (all inclusive). Nitoe mfano wa hili: Baraza la kuandika katiba mpya ya Ghana lilikuwa na wajumbe 2996 wakati Zambia pia lilikuwa na idadi kama hiyo vile vile. Lengo ni wa na wigo mpana zaidi wa uwakilishi kuliko uwakilishi wa Bunge. Prof. Yash Ghai (aliyesimamia mchakato wa Katiba ya Kenya) anaandika hivi kuhusu hili suala: An advantage of a constituent assembly over parliament is that it can truly be the gathering of the nation. The strength and the legitimacy of the constituent assembly will lie in its inclusiveness. While parties would play a major role, membership should also be provided for other groups and interests (women, the disabled, minorities, trade unions, business, civil society and social movements). To some extent these groups and interests would be represented by parties, but there is value in their having direct representation also. It is clear that all these forms of representation have an impact on the process and its outcome. Hivyo, kwa maoni yangu mfumo uliopitishwa na CCM kusimamia mchakato huu kwa kweli kabisa utakuwa na matokeo ambayo ni rahisi kutabirika la kwanza ni kuisimika CCM madarakani kwa miaka mingi ijayo. Ibara ya 22 ya Sheria inayounda Baraza la Kutunga Katiba inatuambia kuwa wajumbe wa baraza hilo watakuwa ni kina nani. a. Wajumbe wote wa baraza la Wawakilishi b. Wajumbe wote wa bunge la Muungano c. Wajumbe 166 kutoka taasisi na makundi mbalimbali. Bahati mbaya sana hakuna kanuni ya jinsi gani wajumbe hao 166 wanapatikana ila kwamba kiwango chao kitazingatia kuwa Zanzibar itakuwa na angalau theluthi moja wa wajumbe hao! Sheria haisemi hizo taasisi zinapata wajumbe wao kutoka wapi na vipi na pia sheria haiweki msisitizo wa usawa wa kijinsia (gender parity). Kiwango cha kura za kupitisha Katiba Mpya ni cha chini mno Baraza hili tunaambiwa litapitisha mambo yao kwa uamuzi wa theluthi 2 ya wajumbe wake kutoka Bara na kutoka Zanzibar (japo haieleweki kama kwa kila jambo kutakuwa na kura mbili au vipi). Na kama zitakuwa kura za siri au vipi vinginevyo watajuaje kura ni watu wa bara na zipi za watu wa visiwani. Lakini kilichofichika hapa ni kuwa CCM kama chama kitakuwa na wajumbe wengi zaidi labda kuliko kikundi kingine chochote: Bunge linawa wajumbe 357 kati yao 254 hii ni sawa na zaidi ya theluthi mbili ya wajumbe wake. Ukijumlisha na wajumbe wa Baraza la Wawakilishi ni wazikuwa CCM itakuwa na wajumbe 274 hivi (sijawaweka wateuliwa wa Rais). Baraza la Wawakilishi lina wajumbe 79 kati ya hawa 26 kutoka majimbo, wakuu wa mikoa 5, wateuliwa wa Rais 10 na wa viti maalum 15. CCM itajiongezea wajumbe wasiopungua 40 kwenye Baraza la Kutunga Katiba hivyo itakuwa kwa kutumia mabaraza hayo mawili tu na wajumbe 294. Hivyo: 357 + 79 + 166 = 602 ndio idadi ya wajumbe wa Baraza la kutunga Katiba. Kati ya hawa 602 nusu yake wanatoka CCM! Na hapa hatujawaweka wale watakaoingia kutoka vya vya siasa ambapo CCM bado itaongeza wajumbe, hatujaingiza wajumbe wa makundi mengine ambao wana maslahi na CCM! Naweza kutabiri (kwa kuangalia takwimu tu) theluthi mbili ya wajumbe wa Baraza la Kutunga Katiba watakuwa ni ama wana CCM au wenye maslahi na CCM na hivyo kuipa CCM kiti cha kuongoza maamuzi ya Baraza hilo! Sitaki kuja kusikia kuna watu wanalalamika kuwa hawakulijua hili! Liipo kwenye sheria kwa yeyote kuliona! Kiwango cha kupitisha katiba mpya ni cha chini mno kukifanya cha kudharaulika Kwa vile watu wamekubali ibara ya 36.1,2 kuwepo maana yake ni kuwa itakapofanyika kura ya maoni hakutakuwa na jitihada ya kupata kura za watu wengi zaidi na badala yake kura za watu wachache zaidi. Ibara hiyo (kifungu 2) inasema kuwa The referendum results shall be decided on the basis of support by more than fifty per cent of the total number of votes cast in Mainland Tanzania and more than fifty per cent of the total number of votes cast in Tanzania Zanzibar. Yaani wataalamu wetu wamefanya ni rahisi zaidi kuandika Katiba Mpya kuliko kubadilisha katiba ya sasa! Katiba ya sasa haiwezi kubadilishwa na wabunge isipokuwa na theluthi 2 ya wabunge wote kwenye Bunge la Muungano na kiasi kama hicho kwenye Baraza la Wawakilishi. Sasa kwenye kuandika Katiba Mpya kiwango ati ni asilimia 50 tu ya wapiga kura na Katiba itakuwa mpya kwa wananchi wote! Huu ni upuuzi wa daraja la kwanza. Katiba Mpya isipaswe kupitishwa isipokuwa kwa siyo chini ya asilimia 70 ya wapiga kura wote! Hii maana yake ni kuwa italazimisha watu wajadiliane, wakubali baadhi ya vitu n.k Kiwango cha asilimia 50 ni kutaka wapiga kura wawe wana CCM tu! Kwani CCM haitahitaji kupata baraka za waatu wengi zaidi (fikiria mgombea wao maarufu uchaguzi uliopata alipata asilimia 61.2 ya shida kweli!). Yawezekana wanaona ugumu huu mapema? Ndugu zangu, mchakato huu ni mbaya toka mwanzo, utatupatia “katiba mpya” lakini siyo katiba yenye mapya! Itakuwa ni mpya kwa maana ya uandishi wake tu lakini siyo wa vitu vyake kwa sababu tayari tunajua mchakato mzima utatawaliwa na kulinda maslahi ya CCM kwanza. Wanajidanganya wale wanaofikiria kwamba wakisema “maslahi ya taifa’ basi wanamaanisha ni kitu kile kile. Kwa wana CCM wengi, maslahi ya “taifa” ni CCM kuendelea kuwa madarakani. Maslahi ya taifa kwao na maslahi ya CCM ni kitu kimoja. Mtu yeyote anayekubali na kuunga mkono mchakato huu au kikundi chochote kinachofanya hivyo kwa sababu ati ya “maslahi ya taifa” wasije kuja mbele ya safari na kuanza kulalamika! Najua wengi wanataka tuwe na ‘pragramatic approach’ lakini kufanya hivyo is a prelude to a disaster. CCM imeuteka mchakato huu na ndio itakuwa mnufaika mkuu. Walichofanya ni kile kinaitwa a strategic manuever ya kufanya watu wote waimbe “ni katiba yetu sote’ ni “kwa maslahi ya taifa’ na hivyo mtu yeyote kuhoji mchakato huu kuendeshwa hivi anaonekana kama hapendi ‘wote’ tufanikiwe. Bila kubadilisha sheria hii ilivyo sasa; na hasa maeneo hayo niliyoyaonesha mchakato huu ni kinyume na wananchi, ni kinyume cha kanuni za haki ya ukuu wa watu na uliivyo sasa ninaamini hauwakilishi matamanio ya wananchi wetu   Amkeni!!! Niandikie: mwanakijiji@jamiiforums.com

    Tunatambua na kuamini kuwa tuna mkataba kuhusu matumizi ya maji ya Ziwa Victoria ambao tunapaswa kuuheshimu japo ulisainiwa na serikali za kikoloni zilizotawala nchi zetu (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania – na sijui kama Rwanda na Burundi wamo katika huo mkataba wa kikoloni). Mwalimu Nyerere aliwahi kusema kwamba yapo mambo tuliyorithi kwa wakoloni, kama mipaka ya nchi, ambayo hatuna budi kuyakubali japo hatuyapendi. Lakini suala la mkataba wa maji ya ziwa victoria alilipinga hadharani mpaka anatoweka duniani, naamini Kenya na Uganda na walipinga na wanaendelea kupinga kama ilivyo kwa Tanzania. Lakini nadhani kwa hili la maji ya Ziwa Victoria wanasheria wetu wanapaswa kuliangalia upya ikiwa nchi zetu zitakuwa nchi moja iliyo federation (East African Federation). Ziwa Victora kwa wakati huo litakuwa ni “inland water body” ambalo nchi mpya ya East Africa itakuwa na total jurisdiction. Kwa mantiki hiyo, tutakuwa na autonomy juu ya maji yake. Hivyo basi, mkataba mpya juu ya matumizi ya maji ya Ziwa Victoria lazima uanzishwe. Infact, maji haya ya Victoria kwenda mto Nile yatapaswa kuwa ndio mafuta yetu sisi watu wa East Africa, na tutataka mkataba mpya na nchi zinazonufaika na mto Nile wenye basis ya “water for fuel”. After all, East Africa itakuwa na jukumu la kutunza vyanzo vya maji ya Ziwa Victoria, sivyo? Mkataba wa kikoloni ulioasisiwa na muingereza ni wa kinyonyji, unaoipa nchi ya Misri mamlaka ya kuamua matumizi ya maji ya ziwa victoria. Na pia, as a new East African state tunapaswa kuangalia na kusaini upya mikataba yote ya kimataifa – tusikumbali blanket agreement kwamba East African Federation ilithi mikataba yote iliyosainiwa na nchi moja moja wanachama wa Shirikisho, mikataba ya kina Chenge na wengine kama yeye kule Kenya na Uganda.

Na Mohamed Said wa JamiiForums.com

Katika moja yamisiba mikubwa ya Tanzania ni kukosekana kuwapo kwa historia ya kweli yakupigania uhuru na kwa ajili hiyo kusababisha kutokuwapo kwa mashujaa wa taifa.Mzee Omar Suleiman ni mmoja wa waasisi wa TANU Dodoma na kwa ajili hii ni katiya mashujaa waliopigania uhuru wa Tanganyika ambao si wengi wanamfahamu nakujua khasa nini ulikuwa mchango wake. Mara kwa mara hasa kwa siku hisi zamwisho wa maisha yake kila ilipotokea nafasi ya kutaja Mzee Omar Suleimankilichokuwa kikielezwa ni uhusiano wake na Julius Nyerere na kusema kuwaNyerere alikuwa akifikia nyumbani kwake basi. Nini ulikuwa mchango wake haukuwauanelezwa na sababu khasa ni kuwa hakuna aliyekuwa anaujua. Hata alipokufahakuna taazia yoyote iliyosmdikwa kumweleza Omar Suleiman alikuwa nani. Ili kumjuaOmar Suleiman ni lazima mtu arudi nyuma sana na kumtafuta Omar Suleima katikakundi la wazalendo wenzake aliokuwanao katika siasa wakati wa kuiunda TANUJimbo la Kati mwaka wa 1955. Kuipata pichaya siasa katika Tanganyika ya 1950 hatuna budi uitazama African Associationmtangulizi wa TANU. African Association mjini Dodoma ilikuwa ikiongoza katikaharakati baada ya Vita Kuu ya Pili. Ilikuwa na wanasiasa wenye juhudi sana nawabunifu kuliko wanasiasa wengine wote waliopata kutokea katika historia yaTanganyika. Wanasiasa hawa walikuwa Ali Ponda, Mmanyema na Hassan Suleiman,Myao, rais na katibu wake. Mwaka 1945 Ali Ponda alitoa wito kwa Waafrika wotekuungana kama umma mmoja. Lakini kuanzia mwaka 1948 harakati za siasa mjiniDodoma zilififia, na TANU ilipoanzishwa mnamo Julai, 1954, tawi la TAA Dodomalilikuwa limedorora kiasi kwamba kilishindwa hata kupeleka mjumbe kwenyemkutano ule wa TAA wa kuundwa kwa TANU. Pamoja na ukweli kuwa mji wa Dodomakulikuwa na Kikuyu Secondary School (sasa Alliance Secondary School) ambakokulikuwa na walimu wa Kiafrika, wengi wao kutoka Makerere, ambao kama wasomi,wangechukua juhudi kuihuisha African Association. Labda kwa kuhisi kuwahapakuwapo na ukinzani unaokwenda kinyume na maslahi yao katika mfumo wa kikoloni, walimu wale waliamua kujitenga nasiasa. Kwa hiyo basi, harakati dhidi ya serikali ya kikoloni ziliachwa kuwa mikononimwa wa Waislam wa mjini Dodoma, wengi wao wakiwa hawakujaliwa kupata elimu kaajili ya siasa za Waingereza walioacha elimu iwe mikononi mwa Wamishionari. Historia yaMzee Omar Suleiman haiwezi kukamilika bila ya kumtaja rafiki yake shujaa wauhuru marehemu Haruna Taratibu. Mwaka wa 1953 Haruna alikuwa na umri wa miaka 23 na akifanya kazi Public Works Department (PWD) kamamwashi. Haruna Taratib alijaribu kuunda chama cha wafanyakazi kwa kuwahamasishana kuwakusanya vibarua walioajiriwa katika kazi za ujenzi. Kwa sababu yaharakati hizo za kutaka kuanzisha chama cha wafanyakazi, Taratibu alionekana nawakoloni kama mtu mkorofi na mzusha vurugu. Hata hivyo Taratibu hakufanikiwakuanzisha chama hicho na matokeo yake akapewa uhamisho kwenda Singida kamaadhabu. Taratibu alivutiwa sana na harakati za Mau Mau nchini Kenya na alizoeakufuatilia matukio yake katika gazeti lake alilokuwa akilipenda sana, “Baraza,”gazeti la Kiswahili la kila wiki kutoka Kenya.Ilikuwa katikaNovemba 1954 wakati Taratibu alipokuwa akipekuapekua gazeti hilo ndipo alioposomahabari kuhusu TANU. Taratibu aliuliza pale Singida mjini kama kuna tawi laTANU. Taratibu alifahamishwa kukuwepo kwa tawi la TANU pale mjini na katibu wake alikuwa mzee mmojakwa jina la Mzee Kinyozi. Taratibu alikata kadi yake toka kwa huyo mzee naakawa mwanachama wa chama cha siasa. Asubuhi iliyofuata Taratibu aliingiaofisini kwake na akaiweka kadi yakeya uanachama wa TANU yenye rangi nyeusi na kijani juu ya meza yake, kilamtu aione. Ofisa Mzungu wa PWD Singida hakuweza kuvumila ufedhuli kama ule,alishauri Taratibu apewe uhamisho kurudi Dodoma alikotoka, kabla hajaeneza sumu yake kwa Waafrika wengine. Hapo ndipoalipokuja kuungana na Mzee Omar Suleiman.Mwaka 1955wakati wimbi la utaifa wa Tanganyika lilipokuwa limepamba moto Tanganyika,Omari Suleiman alikuwa na umri wa miaka 43. Omar Suleiman alikuwa fundicherahani akifanya shughuli zake katika nyumba moja katikati ya mji wa Dodoma.Mkabala na nyumba ambamo Suleiman alikuwa amepanga chumba kimoja ilikuwa nyumbaaliyopanga Taratibu. Mara baada ya kupewa uhamisho kutoka Singida, Taratibualimuuliza jirani yake, Suleiman, kama kuliwepo na tawi la TANU pale mjini.Suleiman alimwambia Taratibu kuwa hapakuwepo na tawi la TANU mjini Dodoma naalimjulisha kuwa kulikuwa na tetesi mjini kuwa Hassan Suleiman amemuahidi nakumhakikishia DC kuwa yeye, akiwa katibu wa Jimbo wa TAA, hatairuhusu TANUkusajiliwa katika Jimbo la Kati bila ya idhini yake. Lakini ukweli ulikuwaHassan Suleiman akitokea katika uongozi wa TAA alikuwa tayari ameisajili TANU lakinihakumfahamisha mtu yoyote wala kufanya juhudi yoyote kuitisha uchaguzi aukufanya mkutano. Hassan Suleiman kama, Omar Suleiman alikuwa na umri wa miakaarobaini na tatu mwaka 1955. Tofauti na Omari Suleiman, Hassan Suleimanialikuwa ameelimika na alikuwa mwanasiasa mwenye uzoefu akiwa amekiongoza chamacha African Association kuanzia miaka ya 1940 na alikuwa amehudhuria mikutanoya African Association Tanganyika na Zanzibar. HarunaTaratibu, Omari Suleimani na marafiki zake wachache waliunda kamati ndogo kishawakaandika barua kwenda makao makuu ya TANU Dar es Salaam kuomba ruhusa yakufungua tawi la TANU. Katibu mwenezi wa TANU, wakati ule Oscar Kambona,aliwaandikia kuwaeleza kuwa Hassan Suleiman tayari alikuwa ameshaisajili TANUna ikiwa uchaguzi wa viongozi haujafanyika basi waonanena na yeye pamoja na AliPonda. Omari Suleiman na Haruna Taratibu hawakuridhika na majibu kutoka makaomakuu ya TANU kwa hiyo walikwenda kutafuta ushauri kwa Edward Mwangosi,aliyekuwa mwanachama mkongwe wa African Association. Mwangosi aliishauri kamatiile iitishe mkutano Community Centre ili kujadili ufunguzi wa tawi la TANU, naHassan Suleiman na Ali Ponda waalikwe kuhudhuria. Kadhalika Mwangosi aliishaurikamati ile kuwaalika walimu waliokuwa wakifundisha Kikuyu Secondary School,wengi wao wasomi kutoka Makerere kuhudhuria mkutano huo. Mwangosi aliwaambia wajumbe wa kamati ilendogo kuwa wasomi wa Makerere walikuwa ni muhimu sana kwenye chama kwa kuwawangetoa uongozi uliokuwa unatakiwa.Karibu ya watuarobaini pamoja na wale wasomi wa Makerere, miongoni mwao Job Lusindewalihudhuria mkutano ule. (Lusinde alikuja kuwa waziri, na Amon Nsekela,alikuja kushika nyadhifa muhimu katika serikali na vilevile kuwa balozi waTanzania nchini Uingereza). Hassan Suleiman na Ali Ponda hawakutokea mkutanoni.Wakati wanakusanyika kwa ajili ya mkutano, afisa wa Community Centre aliwaambiakuwa alikuwa amepokea amri kutoka kwa DC kuwa mkutano huo usifanyike. Kufuatiaamri ile watu walitawanyika mara moja. Alexander Kanyamara aliyekuwa Mwafrikatajiri mjini Dodoma na rafiki wa John Rupia, wakati ule makamu wa rais wa TANU,aliwataka kuahirisha mkutano huo kwa sababu ya kutokuwepo kwa viongozi wa juuwa TAA, Hassan Suleiman na Ali Ponda. Kutokana na sababu hii na vile vitisho vya DC, mkutano uliahirishwa bilakupanga tarehe ya mkutano mwingine. Asubuhi iliyofuata Taratibu alikamatwa napolisi na kupelekwa kwenye ofisi ya DC, (hivi sasa ofisi hiyo ni ofisi yaWaziri Mkuu). Taratibu alimkuta Hassan Suleiman pale ofisini akizungumza na DC,Bwana Smith. DC alianza kumsaili Taratibu kwa kumuuliza kama alikuwa akijuakuzungumza Kiingereza. Taratibu alijibu kuwa yeye hakusoma. AkizungumzaKiingereza Hassan Suleiman alimwambia DC kuwa yeye ndiye katibu wa TANU mjini Dodoma.DC, Bwana Smith, alimshutumu Taratibu kwa kuunda chama haramu na kwa kuitishamkutano usio na idhini ya serikali katika Community Centre jana yake ambaoulielekea kuvuruga amani. Bila woga Taratibu alijibu kwamba yeye alikuwa namamlaka ya kuitisha mkutano kwa sababu alikuwa mwanachama wa chama cha siasakilichosajiliwa kihalali. Taratibu aliichomoa kadi yake ya TANU kutoka mfukonikwake yenye rangi nyeusi na kijani na kumwonyesha DC. Bwana Smith alimuulizaHassan Suleiman kama ikiwa na yeye pia alikuwa na kadi ya TANU. Hassan Suleimanhakuwa nayo. Hassan Suleiman na DC walizungumza Kiingereza kwa muda baada yahapo aliwataka wote wawili kuandika maelezo yao. Baada ya kuandika maelezo yakeTaratibu aliruhusiwa kurudi nyumbani. Inasadikiwa kuwa wakati ule mwanachamapekee wa TANU mjini Dodoma walikuwa Haruna Taratibu na Alexander Kanyamaraambae yeye alikata kadi yake Dar esSalaam.Wasomi waMakerere, ambao Mwangosi aliwaamini sana katika kuunda TANU, walipopata habarikuhusu mkasa wa Taratibu na DC, Bwana Smith, waliogopa. Waliamua kujiweka mbalikabisa na TANU na mambo ya siasa nakuendelea na kazi yao ya kufundisha. Haruna Taratibu na Omari Suleiman sasawaliamua kugeuza mbinu, waliitisha mkutano wa siri usiku nyumbani kwa Swedi binAthumani. Mkutano huu uliamua kuwa Taratibu lazima aende makao makuu ya TANUDar es Salaam akazungumze na Nyerere ana kwa ana kuhusu matatizo yaliyokuwayakiikabili TANU Dodoma. Mahdi Mwinchumualiyekuwa mwanachama wa TANU Dar es Salaam alijitolea kufuatana na Taratibu hadimakao makuu ya chama Dar es Salaam kwa kuwa alikuwa akijuana na viongozi waTANU. Said Mussa mjumbe mwingine wa ile kamati ya siri alijitolea vilevilekufuatana na Taratibu na Mwinchumu hadi Dar es Salaam. Siku ya kuondoka JobLusinde alikwenda stesheni ya gari moshi kuagana na ule ujumbe uliokuwaukielekea Dar es Salaam, makao makuu ya TANU. Lusinde aliuambia ule ujumbe kuwajamaa wa Makerere wanaunga mkono maamuzi yote yatakayoamuliwa na ile kamati yasiri.Kwa bahatinzuri katika gari moshi lile lile ambamo Taratibu na wenzake walikuwawakisafiri kulikuwa na wajumbe wa TANU kutoka Kigoma, Bukoba na Mwanzawakisafiri kwenda Dar es Salaam kuhudhuria mkutano mkuu wa kwanza wa mwaka waTANU. Wahudumu ndani ya gari moshi walipofahamu kuwa walikuwa na wajumbe waTANU kwenye gari moshi lile, waliwafanyia heshima kubwa. Mmoja wa wahudumu walealijitolea kumpa malazi Salum Mussa nyumbani kwake Dar es Salaam. MahdiMwinchumu aliwapeleka Haruna Taratibu na Said Mussa makao makuu ya TANU NewStreet ambako walifanya mazungumzo na Nyerere pamoja na Rupia. Uongozi wa makaomakuu ulielezwa kwa ufupi matatizo yaliyokuwa yakikabili Dodoma katika kufunguatawi la TANU. Papo hapo Nyerere alimwalika Taratibu kuhudhuria mkutano mkuuHindu Mandal Hall kama mjumbe wa Jimbo la Kati. Mkutano ule ulimchagua Taratibu kuwa mjumbe wa Kamati Kuu ya Taifa yaTANU. Taratibu na ujumbe wake walirudiDodoma washindi, walikwenda Dar es Salaam watu wasiojulikana na walirudinyumbani wakifuatana na mjumbe wa Kamati Kuu ya Taifa wa TANU, chombo cha juukabisa katika chama. Nyerere alimpa Taratibu dafari ya tasjili ya wanachama,kadi mia moja hamsini za uanachama wa TANU na nakala hamsini za “Billof Rights.” Kazi ya kuwahamasisha na kuwaingiza watu TANU alipewa OmariSuleiman, na fundi cherahani mwingine aliyejulikana kwa jina la Abdu MohamedMkamba. Mara tu baba mwenye nyumba wake alipopata habari za kuwa mpangaji wake,Haruna Taratibu alikuwa mwanachama wa TANU, alimfukuza kutoka kwenye nyumbayake.Baada ya kupatakikundi kidogo cha wanachama, Taratibu alipiga simu makao makuu ya TANU nakuzungumza na kaimu katibu, Elias Kissenge akaomba ruhusa ya kufanya uchaguzi.Kissenge hakuweza kutoa uamuzi wowote wa maana kuhusu tatizo la uongozi wa TANUDodoma. Taratibu alifanikiwa kumpata Kambona ambae aliidhinisha uchaguziufanyike kwa shuruti moja la kuwa Hassan Suleiman na Ali Ponda waruhusiwekushiriki na kugombea uongozi wa chama. Kusisitiza kwa Kambona juu ya uongoziwa zamani wa TAA kuongoza chama kipya huenda kulishawishiwa na mafanikio yazamani ya uongozi wa Hassan Suleiman mbae alimfahamu huko Dodoma wakati Kambonaalipokuwa mwalimu akifundisha KikuyuSecondary School. Kwa bahati mbaya, wanachama wa TANU waliokuwa wanainukia nachama pale mjini Dodoma waliwaona Hassan Suleiman na Ali Ponda kama wasalitikutokana na kutokushirikiana na wenzao katika kuanzisha TANU. Wakatiametatizwa na tatizo la uchaguzi wa TANU, Taratibu alijulishwa na makao makuukuwa makamo wa rais, John Rupia, atapita Dodoma kwa gari moshi akiwa njianikwenda Tabora kushughulikia mambo ya chama. Gari moshi liliposimama Dodoma Rupia alishangazwa kuona kundi la wananchama wa TANU wakimsubiri katika kituocha gari moshi wakimtaka avunje safari waende mjini kujadili na kutatua tatizola uchaguzi. Rupia aliwaeleza wanachama wa TANU wa Dodoma kuwa yeye hakuwa na idhini kutoka makao makuukufanya shughuli yoyote ya chama mjini Dodoma. Wanachama wa TANU hawakutakakusikia lolote na walimwambia Rupia kuwa wamechoshwa na makao makuu kwakushindwa kwake kutoa uamuzi wa tatizo la uchaguzi. Mizigo ya Rupia ilishushwachini kutoka kwenye gari moshi na Rupia akawa hana khiyari isipokuwa kuwafuatawale wanachama wa TANU hadi mjini.Ghafla mjimzima ukavuma tetesi kuwa makamu wa rais wa TANU, John Rupia, yupo mjinikufungua tawi la TANU. Rupia alimwita Hassan Suleimna na akamtaka alete hati yatasjili ya TANU Hindu Mandal siku inayofuata, mahali ambako mkutano utafanyika.Hassan Suleiman hakutokea mkutanoni lakini alimtuma mtu apeleke ile hati. AliPonda alihudhuria mkutano ule. Rupia alikuwa mwenyekiti wa mkutano na TANUikafanya uchaguzi wake wa kwanza. Alexander Kanyamara alichaguliwa Rais; Haruna Taratibu Makamu wa Rais,Abdu Mohamed Mwamba, Katibu na Omari Suleiman Mweka Hazina. Miongoni mwawanachama waasisi alikuwa mwanamke mmoja wa Kimanyema, Binti Maftah Karenga;wengine walikuwa Bakari Yenga, Maalim Khalfan, mwanachuoni wa Kiislamualiyekuwa akiheshimiwa sana pale mjini, Idd Waziri na Said Suleiman. Walewasomi wa Makerere hata mmoja hakujitokeza kwenye mkutano huu wakuasisi TANU. Ali Ponda, mwanasiasa mkongwe alipuuzwa na hakuchaguliwa kushikawadhifa wowote. Walipoona hawakupewa wadhifa wowote katika TANU, Ali Ponda naHassan Suleiman walijiunga na UTP kuipinga TANU. Baada yauchaguzi huo, wale mafundi cherahani wawili, Abdu Mohamed Mkamba na OmariSuleiman, walianza kuhamasisha wananchi waziwazi kujiunga na TANU ili wapiganieuhuru wa Tanganyika. Tawi la TANU la Dodoma baada ya kujizatiti pale mjini,lilituma wanaharakati kuwahamasisha watu wa Kondoa ili wafungue tawi la TANUkatika wilaya hiyo. Abdallah Jumbe alizipenyeza kadi za TANU na kuzipelekakwenye wilaya hiyo kwa siri akaanza kuandikisha watu. D.C. wa Singida alikuwajeuri sana kiasi kwamba ni baada ya Mkutano Mkuu wa Tabora wa mwaka 1958 ndipoAbdallah Jumbe aliweza kufanikiwa kufungua tawi mjini Singida. Wakati huo TANUilikuwa na nguvu sana ikiwa na wajumbe wake katka Baraza la Kutunga Sheria. Kwaajili hii hakuna Mzungu aliyethubutu kuwa fedhuli kwa TANU na kuwabughudhiwanachama wake. Hii kwamuhtasari ndiyo historia ya marehemu Omar Suleiman na wenzake waliopiganiauhuru wa Tanganyika historia ambayo si wengi wanaifahamu na kwa ajili hii ikawaimepotea hata historia ya wazalendo wengine aliokuwanao baga kwa bega katikakuitafutia Tanganyika heshima yake. Mungu ailaze roho ya Mzee Omar Suleimanmahali pema peponi. 12 Februari 2012 MohamedSaid via JF

These two Internet giants share similar goals and scale, but different approaches that largely reflect the differences between how the Internet functions in the West and in China. Still, both have much to learn from the other.

So Facebook has filed an initial public offering, aiming to raise $10 billion. The $100 billion market flotation value for an Internet company breaks the record set by Google in 2004.

Now, it would seem, is as good a time as any to compare this web giant to a Chinese counterpart whose ambitions – and scale — are no less ambitious. Tencent, an online communications portal, is currently the world’s third-largest Internet company, behind Google and Amazon. Founded in 1998, it went public in 2004. Now it is Facebook’s turn.

Facebook has a total revenue of $3.8 billion and $1.5 billion profit for 2011 whilst Tencent, China’s largest internet service portal, expects to tally total revenue of $4 billion and $1.4 billion profit for the same year. The primary source of Facebook’s revenue comes from advertisements; only 11% comes from the sale of virtual goods. Tencent’ s revenue mainly comes from internet value-added services, and the advertising counts for less than $300 million.

The two companies have certain similarities. Both have a very loyal social network after drawing in a sufficient number of users. But they are also very different in certain key ways: Facebook constructs a community without building up its own industry in this community, though it is considering starting up a bank. Tencent does exactly the opposite: it possesses a huge number of its own businesses and is now providing an open platform.

The price of “pirate culture”

Facebook has attracted 800 million users in a relatively short period without relying on having its own industry. This could not possibly have happened in the China’s Internet market. Facebook depends on an open platform and partnerships to provide user services that require a user-friendly environment and basic rules of competition. Meanwhile, the wild Chinese Internet firmament would have swallowed up a company like Facebook; only a giant like Tencent could emerge. We’ll call this a regional characteristic.

In China’s Internet market, if you consider making your platform open right from the beginning, some may appreciate your efforts, but you risk not getting invited to the ball. Pirate culture is the mainstream on the Chinese web. An enterprise has to identify with this culture to survive. Some firms accumulate their users and brand name in the name of cooperation with others, but will quickly burn the bridge once they have passed over.

Nevertheless, China’s environment and the rules of the game are improving. User consciousness and a sounder legal system will all help to establish a better environment in the Chinese Internet sphere.

Facebook has up to now built up an enormous community with super user stickiness. Its huge traffic is what the advertiser is after. And if it learns from the Tencent model in increasing its value-added services, its profit will soar even further.

Meanwhile, there’s also plenty Tencent can learn from Facebook. Currently Tencent’s community structure includes QQ.com, an open microblog, and a QQ instant message service as a paid service on smartphones. On its community platforms, it offers services like e-commerce, online games and a search engine. But it has not yet achieved substantial growth in its advertising revenue. On this front, it can learn from Facebook.

As different as their approaches may seem, these two Internet giants have very similar objectives: scale, scale, scale.

In early 2006, Israel’s then-prime minister, Ariel Sharon, suffered a devastating stroke that ended his political career but not, as it turns out, his life. All but forgotten, Sharon is nevertheless alive, thanks to a life support system that costs the family and state 300,000 euro per year.

JERUSALEM — Consider the following scene: on Sept. 4, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends the marriage ceremony of the daughter of Eli Yishai, the interior minister and chairman of the ultra-Orthodox Shas party. While giving a short speech, Netanyahu refers to one of his predecessors, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

“May his memory be blessed,” says Netanyahu. The audience is silent, looking both stunned and embarrassed. Netanyahu quickly catches his mistake and corrects himself: “May he live long…”

The gaffe was revealing. Most Israelis have forgotten Ariel Sharon, even though he is still alive. After suffering a stroke on Jan. 4, 2006, Sharon plunged into a deep coma. Since then he has been kept on life support at Sheba Hospital in Tel Aviv. He is 83 years old. He has a single room that is not located in an intensive care unit. In five years and nine-and-a-half months, he has not given a single sign of waking up, but has he had no major complications either.

“He has a sturdy body, but his case is exceptional,” says a doctor. “Many patients would have died of an infection by now. Not him; he’s still holding on. This situation may continue for a long time, but he has absolutely no chance of regaining conscience.”

The fate of Ariel Sharon has been kept silent for years – word does not get past any doctors, politicians or members of his family. In September 2009, the spokesman for Sheba hospital had only this to say to Le Monde: “The only information I can provide you is that his condition is stable and unchanged. For more information, please contact the members of his family.”

“If this were anyone else,” says the discreet but well-placed doctor, “they would already have let him die. Sharon is kept alive because it is the will of his family, but [the situation] is… pathetic.”

What may look like aggressive therapy is actually not dictated by religious reasons: Ariel Sharon, like his parents and his sons, Gilad and Omri, is not at all religious. “His family is very attached to him. One might think that it’s irrational, but there it is,” says the physician.

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• Why is Ariel Sharon still alive? He’s been in a coma since 2006….. with little or no chance of waking back up…?
• Why is he being kept around? What is his significance to Israel?

Haya maswali hapo juu yanaweza yasiwe muhimu wa watanzania sababu ni mambo ya waisrel hayatuhus lakini tuna la kujifunza na kujiuliza. So turudi nyumbani hapa Tanzania .

Je kwa viongozi wetu wanaostahiki kutibiwa wanatibiwa na pesa za walipa kodi mpaka kifo kama Rasi, PM, etc iitokea hali hii ya airel sharon

• Ni nani wa kuamua. Mfano kama familia ya Nyerere ingegoma kuondolewa kwa mashine?
• Na kama serikali ndio Muamuzi ni vigezo gani vinatumika katika hali kama hii…….?

BUSARA ya utu ndio inamuweka hai gwiji huyu wa kihafidhina au ni SIASA

Mwenyekiti wa CHADEMA Ndugu Freeman Mbowe

RAHISI wa Jamuhuri ya Wadanganyika Jakaya M. Kikwete

Mlianza vizuri, mlikuwa mnapiga mbio vizuri nani amewaroga? Nani kawadanganya kuwa hoja zenu nzuri ambazo mlizipeleka ikulu pasina kupata baraka za wanachama wenu..zilibarikiwa? mkafika, mkakaa kwenye makochi na kunywa gahawa na hapo ile nguvu yenu ikapotea, ikatoweka..Ila tukio hili mlilipa sifa na sababu nyingi, “siasa za kisasa, siasa za urafiki, siasa za kutokuchukiana’’ bila ya nyie kujua…

Bila aibu ‘’aliyekuwa rais wa wananchi’’ ambaye akiwa msibani hamuangalii hata jirani yake!!akatamka ‘eti Mheshimiwa Rais watu wanasema mimi nakukwepa!! Nikukwepe kwa sababu gani??…ulivyosema sentensi hii Kikwete akafurahi akajibu ni maneno ya akina michuzi…saa ile roho mtakatifu wa woga na nidhamu ya kufa mtu akakushukia, ukawa mtu mpya..’coward’….Kikwete kwa mara ya kwanza tangu ameingia ikulu akalala usingizi akaota, chama kile kilichosemekana kinatisha kikawa mwisho wake saa ile!

Ni muumini wa siasa za kukaa chini na kuelewana , ni muumini wa siasa za hoja, ni muumini wa siasa za aina ya Lema, ni muumini wa saisa za akina Zito, Ni muumini wa siasa kali na za vurugu…..Lakini uumini upi utumike wapi ndipo huwa sieleweki! CCM hii si ya siasa za kukaa chini na kuelewana, ukifanya hivyo inakula kwako! Maalim Seif anajua hivyo!

CCM hii si chama tawala ni wakoloni weusi, kamwe hawako kwa ajili ya maslahi ya nchi hii…Sahau kuhusu Katiba,dola na kila aina ya vihonjo vinavyompa Rais mamlaka ya urais na utiisho wa urais. Rais akiwa hakubaliwi na kundi fulani dogo tena likiwa na support kubwa ya wananchi hana nguvu hizo, hana mamlaka hayo! Chadema mmeuza haki yenu na sasa mnashangaa wakati nafasi ya ukombozi ndio hii!

Ni Chadema nyie mliojipambanua kuwa ni wakombozi, japo mnatumia slogan ya ‘’nguvu ya umma’’ pengine ngau kwa muda mfupi mngetumia slogan ya Mtikila ‘’ saa ya ukombozi ni sasa’’ japo jamani mwee semeni jambo nchi itikisike…magazeti yauze!!

Chadema inahitaji akili kidogo tu kuwa mgomo wa madaktari ilikuwa ni funguo yenu ya Kikwete(the chief architect wa Richmond) kujiuzulu! Ilikuwa ni nafasi ya kuhamasisha waalimu, nafasi ya kuwaleta na kuwakumbuka wazee wa afrika mashariki….ni nyakati nzuri mngewakumbuka ‘’wahanga wa bodi ya mikopo’’ vyuo vikuu, nafasi ya kuwaunganisha vijana wa mbeya , arusha na DSM wanaojengewa masoko ambayo hawawezi kupanga.

Wakazi wa Mabwepande na kwingineko ndio ilikuwa nafasi… Niseme nini juu ya wananchi wa sehemu mbalimbali kwa nafasi zao ambao wamekata tamaa ya kudai haki zao kwa sababu tu ya vitisho kama vya Pinda? Hivi mkazi wa Gongo la Mboto ambaye analipwa fidia ya laki tano kwa nyumba ya vyumba nane asingekuwepo kwenye maamdamano? Btw mna orodha ya wanaodhulumiwa hapo ofisini kwenu?

Hivi wanaotoa sifa kwa chama hiki humu wanaona haya? Au mna mawazo ya kupiga kura mwaka 2015 na kushinda chini ya hao hao mnaowapa dhamana ya kubadili katiba (impossible within three years)!! Unrealistic!) kwa cizazi vingi jijavyo? Na aliyewaambia Katiba itafanikiwa kabla ya 2015 ni nani? Waizir wenu wa katiba ni nani? Anajua nchi zingine imechukua miaka mingapi?

Hivi lile wazo la kuwa piganieni kwanza tume ya uchaguzi nani aliliua? Au hamkunisikia japo kidunyu kuwa , if you are serious then sticky on changing election committee…tunataka tume yenye kila aina ya watu na inayosimamiwa na chombo huru!

Aliyewaroga kubadili katiba yote ni nani? 2015 ka…kuwa..waambieni wananchi CHADEMA itatoa mwanya wa CCM iendelee ili imalize mchakato wa katiba, by that time Mbowe atakuwa Tajiri kama Rostam!! Acha niseme! Maana kuna watu mnatoka povu kuitetea chadema ambayo lina wajanja fulani wanaotafuta pesa kwa nguvu zote…Mbowe huyu na Kikwete watoto wa Night Club ambao wamewaingiza mkenge akina Slaa na akina Warioba, huku mkitoa statement kuwa Zito ndio eti aliyefanikisha mazungumzo!

Mkasema na kuanika uongo huu kwa watu ni dhambi!! Chadema haina nguvu, kwani bado inajitafuna kashata na kucheua kahawa ya ikulu! Haina nguvu kwa aibu, kwani imepoteza nuru hii na utukufu huu! Chadema hii leo inagopa kusu-pport maandamano eti Mtaambiwa chama cha vurugu!

Chadema wanaogopa kumuua Nyani, wameishamwangalia usoni! Na kucheka naye? Na waumini wao wanawachekea na kujipa matumaini hewa kwa sababu hamna matumaini mengine…hawataki kuwaambiwa ukweli viongozi wao, eti wakisema ukweli watawaudhi na kuonekana wasalitiKama ambavyo chadema inavyoogopa maandamano na migomo leo hii kwani itamuudhi ‘mwenyeji wao’ kikwete ndivyo ambavyo chadema supporters wanaogopa kukosoa uongozi wao kwani watawaudhi eti wameonyesha mafanikio ya kuleta wabunge wengi sana-23!Au ni hivi….wakiandamana nani yuko tayari kwenda Jela?

Hivi uongozi wa chadema leo hii ukaenda jela,mnajua athari zinazotokea kwa familia chache sana zinazokiunda chama hiki, Fikiria chama ambacho viongozi ni mtu, mkwe, shemeji, mpwa, mama, mtoto, mjomba, shangazi na girlfriends….halafu wakakamatwa na kuwekwa ndani!! Chama kinakufa….

Watanzania this is just a reminder, you have to put your trust kwenye realistic! Hakuna ukombozi kwenye ballot box…..ILA nchi ingetikisika kwa migomo mingi iliyoasisiwa na chama hiki mnachokiabudu, basi leo Chadema kingeishi kama next ruling party! Sio kwa hali ya sasa ambayo wako kama hawako, huku madakatri wakirudi na na kureport makazini huku hawafanyi lolote…wamekosa support, wamekosa nguvu ya wale waliotegemewa kuwa suppport, Wale waliosema wanaweza!

Kesho mtataka madaktari wawa support kwenye maandamano yenu yalee! Never! Madaktari hawatakuwepo! Funny! Siasa inalipa jamani,kwani wachungaji wangapi wanasema wanaponyesha na kumbe sio? Au lawyers wangapi wanasema utashinda kesi hali akijua utashindwa? Kwa nini chadema isiseme wazi kuwa ni NGO na kijiwe cha jobless na opportunist ili tutafute tumaini lingine?

Kwa sisi wenye akili ‘’najisifu ngaa kidogo’’ kwa nini tusisifie CCM kwa siasa zake za kuharibu nguvu na bongo ya wapinzani kwa utashi wa wapinzani wenyewe? Whoever said CCM is a group of idiot and moron was wrong, Is a group of smart people who are brilliant and can play with people’s mind for their own benefit! Yes chadema has been played and they are now like ‘candle in the wind’

Mbowe and Kikwete at their best!

Written by Sarah Hermitage

In March 2011 British Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell announced major changes to UK’s international aid program based on a nine-month review of the agency’s policies. “This government is taking a radically different approach to aid. We want to be judged on our results, not on how much money we are spending,” Mitchell said of the changes to the aid program.

The 2010 Budget restated the British Government’s commitment to reach 0.7 per cent of national income as aid by 2013, following a November 2009 Queen’s Speech commitment. Provisional 2009 data suggests that the UK’s total aid expenditure reached £7.4 billion, or 0.52 per cent of national income, up around £1 million from £6.4 billion in 2008 (0.43 per cent of national income). This represents a doubling of the aid/national income ratio since 1997 (when it was 0.26 per cent), and is the highest level of the ratio since 1964. Andrew Mitchell states such amounts are morally right and represent the values of the UK and its government but in times of austerity at home, how can these amounts of overseas aid be justified particularly in countries that show little commitment to good governance and thus slow development.

Most commentators agree that the purpose of development aid is to create conditions where assistance is no longer required. The Paris Declaration lays down a practical, action-orientated roadmap to improve the quality of aid and its impact on development’ and recognizes that aid is more effective when partner countries exercise strong and effective leadership over their development policies and strategies. Whilst we need to recognize that we are on very controversial and politically sensitive terrain when we talk about aid, there can be limited value to the British tax payer to continue to support countries where aid is not producing sustainable development due to a lack of effective leadership from receiving governments.

Sir Edward Clay Outspoken Former High Commission to Kenya “Secretary of State Mitchell and his predecessors have missed the warnings about the folly of investing in a government whose most distinctive characteristic was its endemic corruption’

Tanzania is the third largest gold producer in Africa and is rich in mineral resources. Despite its mineral wealth, it is the largest recipient of development aid from Britain and has received in excess of US$2.89 billion in aid (from all donors) in its 50 years of independence. It is Africa’s top and, the world’s third leading recipient of aid after war-torn Iraq. It depends annually on foreign aid by 45 per cent, receiving US$453 million for its 2011/12 aid budget under the umbrella of General Budget Support (GBS). Despite these massive amounts of foreign aid, there has been no significant decrease in poverty over the last 20 years and the country is lagging behind on key development goals for safe water, income and health despite considerable economic growth. The 2007 Tanzania Household Budget Survey showed very little change in income poverty since 1991. Overall, in the 16 year period between 1991 and 2007, poverty fell by about five per cent. But most of this change can be explained by progress in Dar es Salaam. In rural areas, and other urban areas, the decline in poverty is too small to give confidence that poverty has actually fallen (Policy Forum-Tanzania). High economic growth in Tanzania has not been pro-poor.

Margaret Hodge Chairwoman – UK’s Public Accounts Committee “The Department’s (DfID) ability to make informed spending decisions is undermined by its poor understanding of levels of fraud and corruption”

Such dependency on aid can be understood in war-torn Iraq, but Tanzania’s dependence on foreign aid is surely difficult for DfID to justify. UK’s influential cross-party Public Accounts Committee (PAC) recently criticized DfID’s poor understanding of the scale and possibility of aid being lost to fraud and corruption. In the 2010-2011 fiscal years, DfID reported losses of £1,156,000 (0.016 per cent of total spending) which PAC stated to be unbelievably low. Even if the mechanisms for the effective administration of aid are present, it is inevitable that large amounts of DfID’s money will go astray (and certainly much more than the 0.016 per cent). In Tanzania alone, senior official’s estimate 20 per cent of the government’s budget in each fiscal year was lost to corruption, theft and fraud (U.S. Department of State 2009 Human Rights Report). Assuming this figure is accurate, £130 million of tax payers’ money will be lost to corruption over the next four years from DfID’s £643 million aid budget to Tanzania alone.

Corruption is endemic in Tanzania and a failure to effectively address it belies the Tanzanian government’s commitment to upholding the rule of law, the quintessence of any successful aid policy. Former British High Commissioner to Kenya Sir Edward Clay states that in Kenya, Secretary of State Mitchell and his predecessors have ‘missed the warnings about the folly of investing in a government whose most distinctive characteristic was its endemic corruption’ and that DfID policies have done little to address the systematic problem of corruption: providing an alibi for bad governance and doing little to ‘address a culture of impunity’. There is little to suggest the situation is any different in Tanzania (whilst it is acknowledged that Tanzania is aid dependent and Kenya isn’t).

The director of the International Centre for Tax and Development Research, Professor Odd-Helge Fjeldstad, observes that Tanzania is good at chasing donor money and argues that if efforts chasing donor funds were reduced by one per cent and redirected to increase local revenue collections, the treasury coffers could have increased. He highlights the negative relationship between aid funds and revenue collection. A recent study argues that if corporate tax had been paid on the 2010 revenue of Barrick Gold at the US Federal rate of 35 per cent, the monies raised would have been in the region of (Tanzania Shillings) TZS225 billion (approx. US$141,432,935.64).

In evidence submitted to the House of Lords Economic Development Committee in August, Sir Edward Clay highlights poor governance as a common cause of the failure of development assistance to achieve its objectives. He states that chronic poverty and, above all, deepening inequality, cannot be overcome without confronting corruption in its many forms and recognising the debilitating effects it has on the institutions of a state. This view is shared by Saumu Jumanne, a lecturer at Dar es Salaam University who states that Tanzania is poor because of poor leadership and management of the aid and that only a trickle of aid reaches the targeted groups and sometimes even aid for orphans is misappropriated.

Tanzanian writer Sebastian Sanga suggests Tanzania’s political stability misleads external partners as regards the realities of democracy and the degree of correct resource governance. He highlights the difficulties of propagating good governance in Tanzania stating powerful and self-interested economic actors gain control over the executive department, to their own advantage, meaning that there are then enormous losses for the entire society.

Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary at DfID Civil servant Mark Lowcock states his department has no idea about the scale of money lost to fraud and corruption

In light of such damning evidence of poor governance in Tanzania, it is hard to understand or indeed justify the contradistinctionary view held by the British government. DFID ranks Tanzania in the top 10 per cent of countries supported by British aid which has the potential to be most well used. Henry Bellingham, the British Minister for Africa recently assured Tanzania’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Bernard Membe that Tanzania would remain one of the top receivers of UK aid as it was one of the few countries in Africa with an outstanding human rights record and good governance. A policy that denies the true state of governance in aid receiving countries provides a vacuum for the misuse of aid, fuels corruption and does little to promote sustainable development and relieve the lives of the poor.

UK aid flows to Tanzania have increased from £111.776 million in 2006/7 to £146.045 in 2009 (SID 2011 Tables Index DfID) and are viewed by the Tanzanian government as a fait accompli. British lawyer Dirk Crols makes this point that African governments consider foreign aid as a permanent, reliable and consistent source of income providing no reason to adopt an alternative policy to foster and finance the economic development of their countries. He poses the question, if the only thing you have to do is to cash your cheques, why should you elaborate an economic-financial policy or planning in the long term?

The late economist Péter Bauer drew an unusual (but increasingly accepted) correlation between corruption and foreign aid, a phenomenon he referred to as the vicious cycle of aid. Bauer wrote that in countries where governments, public institutions and courts of law are corrupt, both domestic and foreign investment is unattractive. Fewer investments lead to a reduction in economic growth and thus an increase in poverty levels. As a response, donors give even more aid which further feeds corruption.

Zambian economist Dambisa Moyoclaims 50 per cent of UK aid will end up in the bank accounts of corrupt bureaucrats, in banks that are not even in the country where aid is supposed to go due to a lack of administrative infrastructure to allocate the money and efficient accountability mechanisms to oversee that the money is going to the right places. Tanzania has vast mineral resources and the means to develop itself; yet fifty years after independence it remains Africa’s largest recipient of aid with the British tax payer being the largest unilateral donor.

Andrew Mitchell states UK aid is about value for money and ensuring that every pound taken off hard-pressed taxpayers delivers 100 pence of value which is accountable to the British tax payer. Mitchell states the Coalition government takes a zero-tolerance approach to corruption and clamps down ruthlessly on any misuse of funds allowing British aid to deliver value for money and achieve the best results in fighting poverty and building a safer world.

However, Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary at DfID has confessed to the PAC that he does not know how much of DfID’s aid money was lost to fraud and corruption. ‘Poor people in developing countries expect the aid and debt relief received by their government to be spent in ways which actually improve their lives. Similarly, taxpayers in rich countries expect finance to poorer countries to be spent on fighting poverty.’ It is not suggested that UK cuts aid to Tanzania but, it is suggested that whilst issues of poor governance are ignored, corruption flourishes with impunity. As a result, the lives of the Tanzanian poor will not be sustainably relieved and the British tax payer will not get value for money in respect of its aid programme.

If we take a step back therefore and ask if today’s overseas development aid policy and practice is successful in Tanzania – successful, that is, in providing sufficient impetus to overcome the strong forces worldwide that keep its people poor, the answer is, it is not.

Sarah Hermitage is an anti-corruption activist and lawyer living in the UK. (sarah.hermitage@btinternet.com)

Rais wa Iran Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ameanza ziara yake ya siku 5 hii leo ya Amerika ya kusini katika mataifa ambayo yanamuunga mkono katika msimamo wake dhidi ya Marekani ambayo inaoongoza juhudi za kuiwekea Vikwazo. Ziara hiyo itamfikisha Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba na Ecuador.Nchi hizo zote zinapinga ukandamizaji wa Marekani pamoja na mitazamo ya kikoloni. Rais Ahmadinejad amesema Amerika ya kusini ni  eneo ambalo halikubali tena kuchezewa na Marekani.

Katika nchi zote atakazotembelea ikiwemo Cuba Rais huyo wa Iran anapanga kutia saini mikataba. Maswala ya eneo hilo na yale ya kimataifa yatazungumziwa ikiwemo swala la Marekani kuingilia mipango ya nchi nyingine na kuwepo kwa majeshi yake duniani.

Marekani inaongoza kampeni ya kuibana Iran kiuchumi ili kuiadhibu kutokana na mpango wake wa Kinuklia. Marekani inashuku kwamba Iran inatengeneza Bomu la Nuklia madai ambayo yanapingwa nchini Iran.

Jamhuri ya Kiislamu ya Iran na Tanzania zimetia saini mkataba wa ushirikiano katika sekta za utamaduni na sanaa baina ya nchi mbili.
Kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Habari la Fars, mkataba huo umetiwa saini Tehran kati ya Waziri wa Utamaduni na Muongozo wa Kiislamu wa Iran Dk. Seyyed Mohammad Husseini na Waziri wa Habari, Vijana, Utamaduni na Michezo wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania Dk. Emmanuel John Nchimbi. Akizungumza katika kikao hicho Dk. Husseini amesema Iran iko tayari kushirikiana na Tanzania katika sekta ya utengenezaji filamu. Ameongeza kuwa Waislamu wa Tanzania wameiomba Iran iwatengenezee vipindi vya radio na televisheni kwa mujibu wa mafundisho ya Kiislamu. Ameongeza kuwa Waislamu wa Tanzania wameiomba Iran iwasaidie kuimarisha televisheni za Kiislamu nchini humo. Waziri wa Utamaduni na Muongozo wa Kiislamu wa Iran pia ameitaka Tanzania kuandaa ‘Wiki ya Utamaduni ya Tanzania nchini Iran’ ambapo athari za sanaa za Tanzania zitaonyeshwa. Kwa upande wake Dk. Nchimbi ameafiki kuandaliwa ‘Wiki ya Utamaduni ya Tanzania nchini Iran’. Aidha amesema Tanzania inahitajia msaada wa Iran katika sekta ya sinema.

Chama cha muungano wa Kikristo nchini Nigeria kimeonya kutokea kwa vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, kufuatia mashambulizi ya mara kwa mara katika makanisa nchini humo. Baada ya mkutano wa viongozi wa makanisa, mkuu wa muungano huo  Ayo Oritsejafor amesema kwa sasa wakristo wataanza kujilinda dhidi ya vita hivyo.

Onyo hili katika  nchi inayojulikana sana kwa utajiri wake wa mafuta limekuja wakati ambapo kumekuwa na misururu ya mashambulizi ya mabomu na ufyatulianaji risasi unaofanywa  na wanamgambo wa kundi la itikadi kali za kiislamu la Boko Harram. Mashambulizi hayo yalioanza siku ya krismasi mwaka jana yamesababisha vifo vya watu zaidi ya themanini.

Kundi la Boko Harram limetishia kufanya mashambulizi zaidi dhidi ya wakristo iwapo hawataondoka eneo la kaskazini mwa nchi hiyo,wanalodai ni jimbo la kiislamu. Kundi hilo linataka kuanzishwa kwa sheria mpya ya kiislamu kote nchini Nigeria.